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Prince Ivan

Principality of Halych


Principality of Halych


Prince John Berladyn († 1162)  –  ‘the Master





Out of the medieval city of Halych, came the The Principality of Halych, which existed from 1124 to 1199.   The area is first mentioned in Hungarian historical chronicles in the year 1206 as Galiciæ.  It would eventually grow into the small Kingdom of Galicia–Volhynia, a crown land of Austria-Hungary, the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, which straddles the modern-day border between Poland and Ukraine.





Prince Ivan Berladyn

Prince Ivan Berladnyk in the Lower Danube, Eastern Europe in antiquity and the Middle Ages.  A history of ancient and European politics through the X-XII centuries.  The formation of the territory and the emergence of the cities of Galicia-Volynia from the political structure of the Old Russian state.

1134 – Letter Berlad
1134 – Geographic, diplomatic, chronicle commentary.
1134 – Anniversary of Berlad
1134 – The questioning of the undefined Southern borders of Galicia

Records of Prince Ivan Berladyn appear repeatedly on pages of the chronicles.

1144 – Appears in the chronicles for the first time.
1144 – The Galician Ivan appears in the news. 
1144 – Prince Ivan in Zvenigorod reigned in the name of Galicia
1144 – Ivan failed to defend the Galician table against Prince Volodymyr Volodarevich
1144 – Ivan lost his appanage after the unification of the principality by Volodymyrko Volodarovych
1144 – Ivan tried unsuccessfully to seize the principality from Volodymyrko

Ivan fled to the Danube
Ivan then left for Keiv.

1146 – Ivan is as the service of Prince Svyatoslav Oglovich in Novogrod-Seversky
1146 – in patronization Kievan Prince Ol’govich attempted to return the Zvenigorod table to Prince Ivan without success.

Vesvolod passed away.  The life of Ivan began anew.  Ivan became a serving prince, easily and often changing hosts.  He freely moves throughout the land, not just in the South, but in the North as well.  This made Prince Ivan widely known.  Apparently he was entrusted with the nickname “the Master”.  Waiting for a combat brigade, he was recruited from among the arbiturary Podunayskaya bribes.

1147 – Ivan moved to the Prince of Smolensk, Rustislav Mstislavich

1148 – Ivan was already in Suzdal in the service of Yuri Dolgorukoy

From the judgement of others, it looks as though Ivan became a prince-mercenary.  Ivan was not particularly loyal to his masters.  When Svyatoslav Oglovich settled down, he began to fail in the war with Izyaslav Mstislavovich.  The Berladnik threw him, with the strength of 12 hyvnias of gold 200 hyvnias of silver under the guise of a payment pledged to serve

Ivan prolonged his relationship with Yuri Dolgoruky, but they had to be stopped when Yuri became the prince of Kiev. At the request of his son-in-law, Galician prince Yaroslav Osmomysl, the worst enemy of the Berladnik, Dolgoruky agreed to give Ivan. In chains he was taken from Suzdal to Kiev, but here he was strongly opposed by the clergy led by the Metropolitan, under pressure Yuri canceled his decision and ordered the Caroller back to Suzdal. On the way of Ivan was repulsed and brought to Chernihiv prince Izyaslav Davydovich1

After the death of Yuri Dolgoruky, a new patron of Berladnika, Izyaslav Davidovich took over the Kiev table.

1153 – Yaroslav Osmomysl.  Son of Volodymyrko of Halych by his wife, a daughter of King Coloman of Hungary, he assumed the throne in 1153. His foreign policy tended towards the alliance with the kings of Hungary and Poland, and against the Grand Princes of Kiev, who supported Yaroslav’s cousin Ivan Berladnik in his attempts to take possession of several towns bordering Volynia. After many years of warfare, Yaroslav managed to ensure Berladnik’s expulsion to Byzantium.

1159 – To force him to give Ivan, Yaroslav Osmomysl gathered a coalition with the participation of Poles and Hungarians for a campaign on Kyiv. Without waiting for a solution, the Berladnits fled to the Polovtsy and then arrived on the Danube (“one hundred in the middle of the Podunyskiy”). From here, with the Danube, having assembled a six-thousandth army of bribes and waiting for the arrival of Polovtsy, Ivan Rostislavich began a campaign to Galich, but failed to move further on the border towns of Kuchelmina and Ushitsa 779. After this failure, the Berladnik returned to Kyiv, and in the same 1159, his patron Kievan prince Izyaslav Davidovich carried out a new campaign on Galicia land, “seeking a parish” by Ivan 780. All this eventually led to a real war between Kiev and Galich, in which Izyaslav Davidovich was killed,

1160 – The failures did not break Ivan Rostyslavich, and he continued the struggle now and with the Kiev prince. In 1160, the bailiffs attacked the Kiev port of Oleszha, located in the lower reaches of the Dnieper. In pursuit of them, the Kyivan prince sent the governor of Georgiy Nesterovich and Yakun “in the heavens”, and those “which I met and Duzin, I have slain and captured the captive” 781.

1162 – The last message of the chronicle of Ivan the Lady was placed under 1162: In it reported the tragic death of the prince, who was then in Thessalonica, poisoned, probably by the people of Yaroslav Os-momysla 782



Berladnyky (or Byrladnyky). Peasant (smerd) or burgher refugees in Kyivan Rus’ who in the 12th century settled in the lower Danube region between the Seret (Siret) River and Prut River near the town of Berlad (Bîrlad).  The Berladnyky are first mentioned in the Hypatian Chronicle for 1159 in connection with the attack of a 6,000-man force led by the exiled Prince Ivan Rostyslavych Berladnyk on Kuchelemyn and Ushytsia, cities of Halych principality. In 1160 the Berladnyky captured the city of Oleshia on the Dnipro River but were defeated eventually by the Kyivan prince Rostyslav Mstyslavych near the town of Dtsynia. After the 13th century the Berladnyky are no longer mentioned in the chronicles.

The figure of Ivan Rostyslavich Berladnika in many respects is quite remarkable.  He attracted the attention of our later chroniclers, who tried to establish the origin of the prince, who was wearing such a weird portrait 783. Evaluating the life filled with various adventures and heavy trials of this unusual hero, modern researchers point out. “It is unlikely that in the history of Ancient Russia one can find another such unsuccessful contender on the princely table, such a prince, a pariah, such a prince-adventurer, such a congregation prince, such a prince – a national leader, in a word, such a colorful representative of the Rurik dynasty as Ivan Rostilativich Berladnik”

The memory of Ivan Berladnik is preserved not only in chronicles. His image, imbued with compassion and sympathy, is found in some works of folklore. This can be judged by one Ukrainian carol, investigated by MP Drahomanov, where in the poetic form the real fate of the hero was reflected. First, the Lady is walking “on the meadows, on the Barzo Broad”, where “Ternovyi Ognik is burning,” but then they are being watched and grapple by the lord’s servants785. As MP Drahomanov notes, the name of Ivan Berladnik is the only proper name preserved in Southern Russian historical legends and songs of the “great prince’s times”. 786.

The personality of the Lady is as heroic, as mysterious. His name is related to the so-called Diploma of Prince Ivan Rostislavich Berladnik, dated 134 years since the first publication of the letter (1860) 787, she was in the center of increased attention of researchers, she devoted a fairly large literature. “The origin of this document, – noted in a report at the VIII Archaeological Congress (1890) AI Sobolevsky, – covered with fairy-tale fog” 788. Since then, it has been quite a while, but little has become clear in the history of the monument . Some researchers reject it as a fake counterfeit789, while others, on the contrary, prove the authenticity of the letters and accept the information contained therein as historically reliable790 ‘.

Here is the text of the monument in the form in which it is usually considered by the researchers: “In the presence of father and son [and the holy spirit]: az, Ivano Rostislavovich from the table of Galitsky, Knez Berladskik svved-chuyu merchant [mission] briskem and not Mitte’s coat in our city [in Ma] scrapped in Gapich for the payment, except for Berlad and in flowing and about [our] adventure. And on the exotic goods of the local and Ukranian, both Ruska and Ches [Kim], and even so, they never dressed in Malomy in Galich. And say voivode. And on that vow. [In the summer] from the wreath of Christ, the thirteenth and thirty and fourfold years of the month of May, 20th day “21.

In the language and spelling of the letter, as it was established yet AI Sobolevsky and supported by the majority of researchers, is extremely close to the Moldavian certificates of the XIV-XV centuries. They are strongly influenced by the Middle Bulgarian language. This gives reason to believe that the monument arose or was rewritten and edited right now, because in documents of the previous era such linguistic features do not occur. However, the observations made by themselves can not be a proof of falsification. At one time, D. I. Ilovaysky expressed quite clearly in this regard: “As far as the language is concerned, the question is: what history did the letter pass before it came to us? It may be that she was repeatedly rewritten, distorted and subjected to various influences. If we had to deal with the original, then we would be judged by language and spelling. “22

But even if we recognize the letter of later falsification, we can not but see that the document at its core reflects the realities of the era in which it is timed. Moreover, we can assert that there is nothing in it that contradicts our notions of history

Nasonov AM “Russian land” and the formation of the territory of the Old n state. M., 1951. P. 143; Zimin A. A. Historical and legal review. Diploma of Ivan Rostislavovich Berladnik / / PRP. Whip II. Pp. 30-31; Levchenko MB. Essays on the history of Russian-Byzantine relations. M., 1956. S. 437-438; Florov-s and IV AV Česko-n trade relations X – XII centuries. / / International relations of to the XVII century. / Ed. Number: A. A. Zimin, V. T. Pashuto. M., 1961. S. 75; P o – tin V. M. Ancient Russia and European states in X – XIII centuries. L., 1968. S. 228 – 229; Braichevsky M. Yu. Geographical boundaries of the Galytsky principality about 1185 (From the comments to “The words about the regiment of Igor”) / / GTZ. Kiev; Halych, 1998. pp. 26-27; Rabinovich R. A. Primar Berlad. About the authenticity of one falsification // Stratum plus. Archaeological journal. [St. Petersburg; Chisinau; Odessa]. 1999. No. 5. 21

PRP. M., 1953. Nails. II. S. 26. 22

Protocols of the meeting of Section VI: Monuments of the Slavic-Russian language and letters // Proceedings of the VIII Archaeological Congress. M., 1897. T. IV, S. 103.

Rii of the Galician land of the XII century, derived from reliable sources, or could have been convincingly denied with their help. This is not surprising, because the fake (if this happened in the XIV – XV centuries.) It could have arisen, most likely, to prove the historical precedent of trade privileges of the Danube merchants and therefore had to contain reliable, which is not doubting the information, could not to allow significant distortions and modernizations of the picture not so far away and forgotten past.

Let’s start with the realities. Such in the letter is the personality of Prince Ivan Berladnik, the fact of the Russian presence in the Lower Danube, the international trade relations of the region, the names of settlements. However, the latter requires additional comment. Some researchers reject the letter for the fact that they are mentioned in the city in the XII century. did not exist yet. Among these, NA Mohakh attributes Messiemry and Little Halich2 ‘, NF Kotlyar – Small Galich and Tekuchi791, and V. B. Perhavko adds also to Berlad 792

Immediately let’s say that the doubts about the existence of the CP in. the Bulgarian city of Mesermear (no. Nessebar) are deprived of any reason. This city is also mentioned by Constantine Baghnoornodny (in the middle of the Xth century). In his description of the path through which the “dew” comes to the empire: “… they reach the Mesjevi region – those places where their painful and terrible, unbearable and difficult sailing ends. »793. According to researchers, there was still a large part of merchant ships in Mesumwright, as well as most of the rowers and warriors, while waiting for Constantinople to return those ambassadors and merchants who had the right to live and trade in the city27. Thus, even in the X century. Messiem-Vriya was a large and well-known shopping center. This city is also mentioned in the Byzantine sources of XI.2

Somewhat more complicated is the case concerning the Small Halych, which is identified with the modern Romanian city of Galati on the Danube. But anyway, one can not categorically deny the existence of this city in the XII century. At our disposal is the testimony of the Arabian geographer al-Idrisi, the author of the well-known medieval work “Nuzhat al-Mushtak” (“Entertainment is exhausted in a journey across oblasts”), dated 1154, which, as noted by modern experts, contains a lot of valuable information, in particular, about the cities of Lower Danubian and South-Western Russia794. However, the specifics of the named source are such that the work with it requires special care and critical attitude.

The cities of Southwest Russia mention al-Idrisi in the fourth section of the sixth climate “Entertainment …”, for the first time – when describing the route from Poland to the Podnistrovie: “From Ratsisla (Wroclaw) to Sarman a hundred miles . From Sarman to Zak, twelve transitions. From Zaca to Barmuna one hundred and eighty miles. From Barmuna to Galicia two hundred miles. Barmuna and Galicia belong to the country of Ar-Russi. ” Then the author returns to the mentioned cities again, specifying their location and Russian affiliation: “From her (Rus.-A.M.) cities to this section are Sarman, Zak, Barmuni and Galician. As for the city of Sarman, it costs north to the Danast River. This river flows eastward until it reaches the city of Zac, among which there are twelve transitions. From the city of Zac, located on the river, nine transitions to the city of Barmuna. From Barmuna to [city] Galicia two hundred miles. ” Sarman, Zak, Barmuni and Galicia are the “most distant” cities of Russia, and on all maps of the fourth and fifth sections of the sixth climate, they are placed on the left bank of the Dniester, starting with its upper reaches795.

All researchers note the discrepancy between text descriptions and cartographic data al-Idrisi796, which makes it extremely difficult to locate the objects mentioned. It is clear that the four names mentioned in the source of the “most distant” Russian cities (Sarman, Zak, Barmuni and Galicia) can not be fully deployed along the Dniester, without contradicting the digital data on the distance between them.

A detailed study of the works of al-Idrisi shows that the author was only familiar with the upper and middle sections of the Dniester, where he placed (on the map) the four outlying cities of Russia known to him; with the lands south, up to the Danube and the Black Sea, he was not well acquainted, although he knew that they also belonged to Rus ‘797. It follows from the route description that only the first two cities, Sar-mali and Zak, had a direct relation to the Dniester, located one “north of the river”, and the other “on the river”. But where could two other cities be? I. Konovalova notes that, in relation to Barmuna and Galicia al-Idrisi, “he had very limited information, knowing only that they were Russians, and borderland settlements. Therefore, on the map, both cities were on the left bank of the Dniester – where, for al-Idris, Russian land began, 

This is another direction that extends south of the Middle Elevation, into the region of the lower reaches of the Danube. Even in 1865, a well-known connoisseur of Galician antiquity, A. Petrushevich suggested that al-Idris is not meant to be the Galich on the Dniester, but Galich on the Danube, which is referred to in the Berladnik’s Letter799. Such an interpretation was still rejected, but solely because of doubt in the authenticity of the letter35. The reason for such a decision was recently argued by RA A. Rabinovich: historians refuse to confirm the evidence of the creditor’s credentials by independent sources because of doubts about the authenticity of the letter. There is a clear contradiction with the principles of historical research. 

Meanwhile, the confirmation of Galicia’s localization on the Lower Danube can be found at al-Idrisa itself. In the abbreviated version of his work, the so-called “Little Idrisis” of the city Zak (Zana), 

 Barmuni (Barmunia) and Galicia are also mentioned in the fifth section of the seventh climate. Moreover, they are spoken of when describing the route that runs in the Lower Danube, and they are located in relation to the cities on the Danube and to the south of it – in Dobrudja and Bulgaria. As the center, where trade routes from Zan, Barmunia and Galicia converged, the Preslavec on the Danube (Ba-declassis) stands out ‘7. On the basis of the given data I.G. Konovalov comes to the conclusion that “the route described in section 4 of the VI climate” Nuzhat al-Mushtak “will be entirely related to the cities of Galicia-Volyn Rus and was part of the sphere of its influence on the Danube. Sarman and Zak, according to the text, should be searched in the upper reaches of the Dniester – this is … Przemysl and, quite possibly, Zvenigorod. .. From Zak, this route will go south, where according to Siret, The Prut and other rivers laid the trade route from the Galician-Volyn Rus to the Danube and to the Byzantine Empire “801. *


Historians draw attention to the unusual formula of the prince’s title of Ivan Rostislavich – “from the table of the Galician Knez Ber-Ladskie” – and, without finding this title of proper explanation, attribute it to the expense of the absurdities of the later falsifier. According to one of the most decisive critics of the Apostle I. I. Bogdan, this expression, “the unclear itself does not find an explanation in diplomatic norms,” ​​can be interpreted either “in the sense of origin”, or “in the sense of dependence.” However, the researcher continues, “on the origin of Ivan Rostislavich had no rights to Galich, and depending on him could not be formed, because: 1) he was an irreconcilable enemy of the Galician princes, first Volodymyrka, then Yaroslav Osmomysl and already, of course, not could get from them the heritage of “Berladsky”; 2) in 1134, the combined Red-Rus principality did not exist yet: 

The claim that Ivan Rostislavich did not have any rights to the galician table looks too hasty. True, the question of the origin of the Berladnika is very confusing, why a lot of our recent chroniclers, who considered him the son of the Smolensk prince Rostislav Mstislavich4’1, as well as some researchers , specialists in genealogy, having published in Berladnika (without any particular reason) the son of the Przemysl Prince Rostislav Volodymyrovych (dated 1126/1, then the son of Rostislav Vasilkovich, the grandson of Vasilko Teri-Bablo-ogo803 However, most researchers come at quite certain conclusion that berladnici father was Prince Rostislav of Przemysl Volodarevych, died about approx. 1143

804 Rostislav was the eldest among the sons of Lord Rostislavich. This circumstance gave the Master the important advantages over other princes who claimed on the galician table, especially before Yaroslav Osmomyslom. (It is no coincidence that the struggle of the two latter wore so fierce and uncompromising character). The rights of the Berladnika on the galician table were acknowledged by the Galician themselves, they repeatedly called him to him for reign, and then, a few decades after the death of the Lady, mentioning his son, whom he called “Berladnichich” in Galich, inviting to occupy the prince 



Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 1

Berladnyk, Ivan Rostyslavych, ?–1162. Having lost his appanage Zvenyhorod principality after the unification of the principality by Prince Volodymyrko Volodarovych, Prince Ivan tried unsuccessfully to seize the principality from Volodymyrko in 1144 and then fled to the Danubian town of Berlad (Bîrlad) (whence his name) in Moldavia. From 1145 he served at the courts of grand princes Vsevolod Olhovychand Sviatoslav Olhovych of Kyiv and at the courts of other Rus’ princes. In 1158 Ivan returned to the Danube region, where he organized a force of 6,000 Berladnyky (peasant rebels) and began attacking Galician towns. In 1159 he was defeated by the Galician prince Yaroslav Osmomysl near Ushytsia in Podilia and eventually fled to Greece. Historians disagree on the authenticity of the Berlad Charter, which was granted by Ivan to the merchants of Mesembria in 1134. According to some sources, Ivan was poisoned in Thessaloniki.

[This article originally appeared in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 1 (1984).]

The below as been translated with Chrome from Source:

Sources about the “Berladskaya duchy” Ivan Rostislavovich. – Letter 1134: Geographic commentary. – Diplomatic and chronological commentary. – Where was the anniversary Burlad. – To the question of the southern border of the Galician land. – “Saltan” by Yaroslav Osmomysia in the Word about Igor’s regiment. – The Russian population of the Lower Danube: Berlzdiiki, Podunytsy, Galician “Vigonzi”.In the course of a little two decades, the records of the “Berladskogo Prince” of Ivan Rostislavich1 appear repeatedly on the pages of the chronicles. For the first time, the chronicle speaks of him in the news of 1144, when the Galician called Ivan, reigning then in Zvenigorod, at the reign of Galich, but he failed to defend the Galician table in the fight against Volodymyr Volodarevich and fled to the Danube, and then to Kiev2. In 1146, patronizing Rostislavich, the Kievan prince Vsevolod Ol’govich tried to return the Zvenigorodsky table to him, but unsuccessfully. Soon, Vsevolod died, and in the life of Ivan Rostislavich a new band began, when he became a serving prince, easily and often changes his hosts and freely moves on the n lands, not only the southern but also the northern ones. This activity made the prince widely known and firmly entrusted to him the nickname “The Master”, apparently

The most complete biographical data about Ivan the Bailiff see: Cat LF NF Formation of the territory and the emergence of the cities of Galicia-Volyn Rus LX – XIX centuries. Kyiv, 1985. p. 102-106; Tolochko PP Historical portraits: From the history of ancient and European politics X-XII centuries. Kiev, 1990. pp. 185-238; Perhavko VB Prince Ivan Berladnik in the Lower Danube // Eastern Europe in antiquity and the Middle Ages. Political structure of the Old Russian state. VIII Reading in memory Corr. USSR Academy of Sciences V.T. Pashuto. M., 1996. v 2

PSPL. M., 1998. T. II. Str. 316-317. *

Ibid. Str. 329


Waiting for a combat brigade, recruited from among the arbitrary Podunayskaya bribes.

In 1146 we see the servant at the service of Prince Svyatoslav Olgovich in Novgorod-Seversky775, but in the next 1147 Ivan Rosty-Slavich moved to the Prince of Smolensk, Rostislav Mstislavich, 776, and in 1148 the “Berladskaya Prince” was already in Suzdal in the service of Yuri Dolgorukoy777. As far as we can judge, becoming a prince-mercenary, Ivan Rostislavich was not particularly loyal to his masters. When Sviatoslav Ol’govich settled down he began to fail in the war with Izyaslav Mstislavovich, the Burladnik threw him, with the strength of taking 12 hryvnias of gold and 200 hryvnias of silver under the guise of a payment pledged to serve778.




However, as it seems to us, the formula of Charter 1134 “from the table Galician Knez Berladsky” could have in mind not the Galich, which is usually taken to think. The Dniester city of Galich at this time did not become the capital, that is, the main city of the united Galician land. His prince was first mentioned in this city for the first time only in 1140, and this was not Ivan Berladnik, and his name is Ivan Va-salkovch 805. Talking about the existence of the princely table in Galich up to this time is problematic. On the other hand, the text of the letter mentions another city with the same name. It is about what was located on the Lower Danube in the Russian town of Small Halych, in which, in essence, the prince was the Berladnik. calls it “our hail”. Small Galich is the first in the list of cities, where the Danube merchants could enjoy trade privileges. 

A surprise and all sorts of critical remarks is caused by the researchers of the date of the Charter of the Merchant. If the Christian era used (with the account of years from the Nativity of Christ) can be regarded as the result of a calculation made in the 14th – 15th centuries. When the document was copied and edited, the very date of the publication of the letter – 1134 p. – is in some contradiction with the facts of life and the activities of the Master, famous for the annals. By 1144

 m., point critics of the letter, Ivan Rostislavich rules in Zvenigorod, his activities in the Danube and Galich began only after 1144.4 (> To explain such a mismatch, various assumptions about a possible mistake were made when converting the date allowed by the later scribe: the document offered to date 1144 (error for 10 years) 806 or even 1154 (the scribe could confuse outwardly similar letters used in the original for numerical designations) 807. 

 The need for such assumptions and the artificial attachment of the letters to the chronicle reports of the appearance of the Berladnik on the galician table in 1144 disappears by itself if we agree to admit that the title “Prince Berladskaya from the Galician table” implies not the Dniestrian capital, with which the Berladnik before 1144., indeed, was in no way connected, and the Danube city of Galich, more famous in Russian sources under the name of Malogi Galich, and in the work of al-Idrisi called Gilsiyah. 

 Chronicle news, which, of course, belongs to the priority before the testimony of the Master’s letter, not only does not refute the latter, but, on the contrary, contains a rather tangible confirmation of its data. The above, first of all, relates to the connections of Berladnik with the southern outskirts of the Galician land, and these ties arose long before the first appearance of the Carladian on the table in Galicia and characterize him as a ruler and military leader, enjoying wide support of the population of the border regions. So, after defeating Volodymyr Volodarevich, Ivan Berladnik-Galich was not running to his main patron, the prince of Kiev, Vsevolod Ol’govich, to whom he could count, but sent to the Danube, and from there, through the “field”, arrives in Kiev 808. 

 The prince could only run on the Danube with one goal, for the purpose that later led him to Kiev to seek military assistance to continue the struggle. So, on the Danube, there were forces that could provide such assistance, to go for the Master in a military campaign. And this, in turn, means that the Lady came here not for the first time, he was well known here and had some resistance among the local population. Additional confirmation of this is found in the annals of the events of 1159, when the Berladnik, gathering in a new campaign on A Alice, recruited his supporters on the Danube, bringing in the end a six-thousand-strong army of Berladnikovs809. Consequently, the current dating of the Letters of the Berladnik (1134), contrary to the assertion of some researchers, does not contradict and does not diverge from the data of more reliable sources and therefore does not require revision or clarification. *



Significant difficulties and differences in the views cause researchers to question the location and time of the legendary Berlad, the reality of Berladskogo principality, origin, ethnic composition and social status of bribes. The Soviet Union, in particular, devoted much attention to Soviet historiography, which also tried to resolve the question of Burlad’s political status. From the time of MN Tikhomirov it began to be considered “a special principality belonging to the lateral line of Galician princes.” 31. Direct predecessor of the Moldavian state called Berlad N. A. Mohov810. The culmination of this tendency is achieved by I.P. Rusanova and B. A. Tymoshchuk, who introduced the Berladskaya principality in fact as a special state with definite boundaries, territorial and ethno-social structure’811. At the same time, there is an absolutely opposite attitude to the problem under consideration. “Long time, – writes I.O. Knyazki, – some historians believed that in the southern part of the Dniester-Carpathian lands in the XLI century. There was a Berladskaya principality with a center on the site of the modern city of Birla-so. An in-depth study of written sources and the use of archaeological materials showed that this idea does not correspond to the truth “812. 

Recently, interest in Berlad and bribes revived again: new data on its possible localization have been proposed, containing unexpected evidence in favor of the reliability of the Diplomas of Ivan Rostislavich. Contrary to the common sense, Burlad’s chronicle was identified with the modern Roman city of Birlad, located on the bank of the river of the same name (the left tributary of Seret), mentioned in sources only from the 15th to 813th, is confirmed in the XIX century. the assumption that the ancient capital of the bribes was in Dobrudja, on the right bank of the Danube, not far from the Romanian city of Chernavoda, at the site of the now not-existing village with the characteristic name of the Eski-Birlat (Old Birlat) 814. Located directly within the limits of the Byzantine possessions, this enclave, attracts the native Russian population, was under the close attention of the government of the empire, which sought, of course, put the Danube freestyle under reliable control. Not surprisingly, the indomitable leader of the bribes, Ivan Rostislavich, ended his life in the Byzantine captivity in Thessaloniki815; “Ini tacos are silent, as if you are poisoned to death to him,” – says on this occasion the chronicle. 

According to research by R. A. Rabinovich, available archaeological, toponymic and linguistic data available at the disposal of modern science, as well as reports of written sources give much more grounds for the localization of the annals of Berlad just in Dobrudja, and not in the south of Zaprutskaya Moldavia816. There are many historical evidence of how the Byzantine emperors gave the Russian princes of the volost in the Lower Danube, as, for example, the sons of the deceased in Kyiv, Yuri Dolgoruky: “Istost Gurgevich Tsarugorod, Mstislav and Vasilko zi the mother, and Vsevolod young belt with him, the third brother; and the king will give Vasilko in the Danube 4 mountains (one) and, and Mystislav will give the parish of Attsapan “817. Perhaps it is not only a coincidence that the new sentences were received by Russian princes immediately after the death of Berladnika: both of these news are placed in the annals under the same year – 6670 (1162). 

However, the new rulers of the Lower Danube cities stayed there for a while. This can be judged by the news of the Byzantine historian John Kinnama, which belongs to 1165 Speaking about the preparation for war with the Hungarians of Emperor Manuel! Comnenus, the historian said: “At the same time, Vladislav, one of the dynasties in the Taurocifskaya country (that is, the Russian princes – AM), with his children, his wife and all his people voluntarily went to the rum. He was given the land of Istra, which once Vasilev had come to Vasily, son of George, who among the philharmonists of the Taurischephal Country had seniority “818. V.B. Perhavko rightly relates the above-mentioned news with the above mentioned combination of the Hypatian Chronicle, believing that both sources refer to the same n princes, and this information is relevant to the general development of the situation in the Lower Danube of the 60 years of the XII century. 819 

How to explain the policy of the Byzantine government regarding Russian princes and natives from Russia in general? The answer to this question can be inferred from the materials of V.G. Vasilievsky’s research on the relations of the empire with the pechenegs of the second half of the XI century. Beginning from this time, the Byzantine authorities strongly encouraged the relocation of the settled population on the right bank of the Danube, escaping from various life disruptions. These measures were dictated by the need to create more or less reliable support at their own borders in the fight against outgoing control of the nomads, first of all, Pechenegs, moved to the territory under the control of Byzantium in the late 1040’s. 

In Russia, I must say, well aware of the Byzantines’ efforts to build the Danube border and readily relate to a possible relocation to the Greeks. It seems that it is necessary to understand the words of the citizens of Kiev, addressed to the returning in 1069 with the Polish troops Izyaslav Yaroslavich, intended to deal with the perpetrators of his expulsion: the townspeople warn the prince that if he does not give up his intentions, then “Lighting his hail We step on the Greeks earth “821. With this message, one should compare the prophecy of a certain magician, placed in the Tale of Bygone Years in 1071: “At that time the Magi arrived,” is supposed “demon”; Prestige ‘, for Kiev will speak, we will lead the people of Chelyabinsk, as on the fifth summer of the Dnieper, it will sweep back to the land and go to another place, like the wonder of the Greek land in Russia, and Russkaya in Grecheskaya, and the’ 

Lower Danube, where the Kievans threatened to cross, were perceived in Russia as “Greek land”, in place of which, according to the prediction of the wizard, should “become” “Russian land”, that is, Russian people are referring. We have to admit that this prophecy of the home-grown oracle was fulfilled, if, of course, agree with the localization of the chronicle Burlad on the Lower Danube, and in the Harbor see the settlers from the Russian lands. An important proof of the latter is the words of Vladimir-Suzdal Prince Andrii Bogolyubsky, which he ordered to convey to the disgraced Rostislavich in 1174: “Do not go to my will. : “And you will go to Bjr Berlad, and in Ruskoye land I do not force you to beat” “823. 

As we see, Berlad, in the understanding of Vladimir prince, lay outside the n land. At the same time, the well-known testimony of the Tale of the Igor’s Regiment, emphasizes twice that during the reign of Yaroslav Osmomysl (that is, in the days of Ivan Berladnik himself), the Galician land stretched up to the Danube: Yaroslav reigned, the gate “closed the Danube”, “the courts were discharging to the Danube” 824 Consequently, the boundaries of the Russian land in the Southwest were confined to the lower reaches of the Danube. The lands of the bailiffs, who were not subject to the Russian princes, where the various refugees and exiles found refuge, “Vigonzi”, as expressed somewhat later by the Galician-Volyn Chronicle, should have been lying southwards, most likely, on the opposite Danube shore. 

Explain the presence of toponyms, in tune with the name of Berlad in the region of the modern Romanian city of Birlad, which, according to archaeological data, could only arise in the Golden Horde, not earlier than the second half of the KhPI in 825, given the very common in the Middle Ages phenomenon of urban transport. The phenomena of this kind, when, for some reason, a medieval city was decayed and completely abandoned by the inhabitants, and then in another place a different city arose, but with the same name, they are encountered, for example, in the history of Moldova (the city of Old Orhei) 826. “This is the last observation, – according to R. A. Rabinovich, – suggested the idea that the modern city Birlad could not enter the annals Burlad, but linked the name of the former, another place of localization of this formation “827. Other researchers, in principle recognizing the possibility transfer of old names 

As we see, solving the problem requires new arguments. We do not have direct archaeological evidence of the existence of the ancient predecessor Birlad, but we firmly know (from reports of the ancient chronicles) about the existence of Berlad and bribers in the middle of the XII century. And the annals Burlad and its inhabitants placed exactly on the Danube, where he found refuge and where did his campaign begin to Galich in 1159, “Berladskaya Prince” Ivan Rostislavich. With regard to the phenomenon of the transfer of cities, such phenomena took place not only in the adjacent Moldavia, they are noted and directly on the territory of the Galician land. These are the same cities that appear in the annals in connection with the above-mentioned campaign of Berladnik on Halych – Ushitsa and Kuchelmin. 

Old Rus city Ushitsa was located on the site of the modern village of Stara Ushita Kamenets-Podilskyi district of Khmelnytskyi region. Subsequently, the city was moved to a new place. It seems that Kuchelmin also appeared to be, as evidenced by the presence of several settlements with similar names (village Kucha near Ushitse, village Kuchurmyk near the town of Snyatyn, Ivano-Frankivsk oblast) 829, located away from the ancient Russian township830. The main reason for changing the location of Ushitsa and Kuchelmina should be their borderline position, proximity to the steppe and the associated danger. Approximately in the same position was located and located on the Lower Danube Chronicle Berlad, distant n enclave, the question of whose affiliation to the Galician land requires separate consideration. *


 Let us turn now to the question of the southern boundary of the Galician land, also attracts increased attention of researchers and gives a lot of reasons for discussion. Of course, it is not enough to solve a single testimony of a poetic monument, although it is important to characterize the power of the Galician prince of the times of Yaroslav Osmomysl. Based on this evidence, most researchers come to the unequivocal idea that the southern boundary of the Galician land, at least in the 80 years of the XII century. reached the Lower Danube76, the main reason here is the expression of the word “courts dismissing to the Danube” in reference to Osmomysl: “Galichki Osmomysl Yaroslav! Highly seductive on its zlatokovanniem ‘table, pushing the hills of Ugorsky and their iron pliki, the enclaves of the “queen’s path, the gate” of the Danube gate, the sword Bremen through the clouds, the courts disposing of the Danube. Your terrible thunder ‘flows’, opening the gates to Kiev, shoot Zi took away the golden table of the Saltana behind the lands. Shoot, gentleman, Konchak, bad Koscheya, for the land of Rus’ka, for Igor’s wounds, Buhego Svyatoslavich! » 

 The meaning of the phrase “judging the courts” does not raise any doubts: “the courts to rule”, as well as its similar expression, “ranks to rule” and “rows of rulers” in the Old Russian language have a definite meaning and indicate to the government, in particular, judicial and administrative activity. The word gives an opportunity to judge and the boundaries of the Osmomysl territory under the jurisdiction – “to the Danube”. “One can not restrict the issue to the possession of the Galician princes by the territory of the lower Danube,” denies his opponents N. F. Cocharger: in this case it would be “on the Danube”, not “to the Danube”. It follows that the southern boundary of Galician Rus in the 80’s of the XII century. passed, at least, on the left bank of the lower Danube “7 *. However, the researcher at the same time admits inaccuracy, not noticing another indication of the monument that Yaroslav ruled in Galich, “gate” gate “Danube”. The most natural would be to assume that the Galician prince, though he had no power over the entire course of the Lower Danube, gained some strongholds in his mouth, the Danube Delta. It seems that the whole Canaru city or some other nearby, among the ones mentioned in the List of Russian Cities, could be entirely a point – a peculiar document, which came out as part of several chronicles as a special addition to the main chronicles of vestiges831. 

 It is skeptical about the testimony of the Word about the regiment Igor, as well as other monuments that report on the Russian presence in Podu-nav (the letter of Ivan Rostislavich and the List of Russian cities), 

 N.F. Kotlyar declines to recognize the possibility of joining the territory of the Galician land between the middle course of the Dniester and the lower reaches of the Danube. Romanian historiography holds the same view, in general denying any influence of Russia in the region of the Lower Poduniav in the CPS. and dedicating a dominant role in the life of the region Polovtsians and Byzantium * 0. 

 In detail and in detail, having considered the issue of the southern boundary of the Galician land of the late XII – early XIX century., N. F. Kotlyar concludes that the named border did not pass further the Middle sublime, the south, which lay “wild field”, “drag earth” 832’1 However, in reality, it seems to us that all efforts of N. F. Kotljar are reduced only to the proof that the extreme southern cities of the Galician land of the XII-XIII centuries. were Kuchelmin, Ushitsa, Mikulin, Onut, Vasiliev, Bakota * 2 This fact, indeed, can be considered quite proven, and long before the research of N. F. Kotljar, first on the basis of written eschnikov833, and then archaeological834. But it is unlikely that this will be enough to solve the question of the southern boundary of the earth. 

 The lack of settlements south of the line Vasyliv – Onut – Bakota – Ushitsa – Kuchelmin – Kaliuus does not prove that the territory was a noble desert, and that there was no population within it. Quite the contrary, it follows from the research of NF Kotljar that the mentioned lands were inhabited: here lived Polovtsy (“Comans” of the Byzantine sources), as well as eastern Romance – Volhchi835. And if so, then, then, there was a population that could enter, at the time, under the rule of the Galician prince, to pay tribute and even obey the prince’s court. 

 Recently, new interesting discoveries have been made by archaeologists, they are capable of making important adjustments to our ideas about the southern boundaries of the Galician land. In the north of modern Moldova in the village. The Mary-silk of the Oknitsky district on the right bank of the Dniester revealed a well-fortified ancient settlement of the XII – X centuries. The material material and especially the ceramics from the settlement are in full compliance with the material monuments of the Galician Rus pre-Mongol time. Investigated again the open settlement researchers conclude that “the southern frontiers of Galician Rus were located much south of the ancient settlements, which were traditionally considered the southern frontiers of Galician Rus.” 836. Perhaps the settlement of Mereshova, according to I. Vlasenko and N. Telnov, are the remnants of the chronicle city of Kuchelin , which is considered the most southern fortified point of the Galician land, 

 To establish the sovereignty over the lands between the Dniester and the Danube for the n princes was even more natural that this area has long been populated by the eastern Slavs – the tribes of streets and Tiverts: “And having hit the Tiberia and the saddle bo on the Dniester, pryssedahu to Dunaev. Be many of them; the saddle on the Dniester Oli to the sea, and the essence of their hail to this day “- we read in the Tale of temporary seniors. About the large people of Untizi, which had 318 cities, says the Bavarian geographer, the source of the middle of IX in 838. Subsequently, under the onset of Pechenegs, the Slavs were forced to go to the north839. However, since then, the Russian princes have not left attempts to re-establish themselves in the Lower Danube and, accordingly, in the Dniester-Danube riparian territory. Let’s recall at least the successful actions of Volodymyr Monomakh, who in 1116 “on soot beds on the Danube” 840. Perhaps, 

 There is no reason to refute the testimony of the Word about Igor’s regiment to spread the power of Yaroslav Osmomysl down to the Danube. Moreover, at our disposal there are other evidence containing the same information. Thus, in the History of VN Tatishcheva, during which the Word was not known, it is said that even Osmomysh’s father Volodymyrko Volodarevich “possessed all the hail to the Danube, made peace from the Greeks and the Bulgarians” 841. In another place we read that, preparing for a war with the Kiev prince Izyaslav Msti-Slavich, Volodymyrko “immediately ordered all his troops from the Danube and sowing the countries of the Dniester to Galich to assemble” 842. Yaroslav Osmo-meditations, according to Tatischev’s information, “strengthened the hail over the Danube, 

 merchants populated “843. 

 About the possessions of, reached in the CP in. The Danube and the Black Sea, are shown by foreign sources. We have already considered us the works of the Arabian geographer al-Idrisi, in the introductory part to the fifth section of the sixth climate, we find the copyright transfer of countries located along the Black Sea coast: “On the southern shore of this sea, where it is in contact with the west, is the country Kharak- the country of Al-Qalat (Galatiya), the country of al-rebellion (Pontus), the country of Al-Khazariya, the country of al-Quma-jiya, [country] ar-Rusius and the land of Burdzhan (the Danubian Bulgarians ) 844. The possession of Russia is placed here between the Polovtsian land (Kuman), which is pr stretched, according to the map of al-Idrisi to the Dnieper, and the Danube Bulgaria, the northern border of which was the Lower Danube. Another Arab scholar Ibn Khapdun (second half of XIV – early XV century), Who left in one of his works a description of the map of al-Idrisi, twice emphasizes that Russia and Bulgaria lie on the Black Sea coast and have a common long border; “Rus surrounds the country of Burdzhan” from the west, north and east845. *


 The word about the regiment Igor says about the establishment of the power of Yaroslav Osmomysl “to the Danube” in the context of other great achievements of the prince. Draws attention to the phrase: “Shoot Zi took away the golden table of the Saltan for the lands.” As the Orientalists have established, the rare form of Saltan used here (blamed for many times from the Sultan) goes back to the Arabic title sultan through the intermediate form * soltam> 846. Still, D. N. Dubensky suggested that the author of the Word implies the possible participation of the Galician regiments in the Third Crusade 1189-1192. against the Sultan Saladin9 *. Indirect confirmation can be the fact that Russian soldiers participated in the first crusade, after which in Jerusalem, a permanent settlement of Russian 



 However, this assumption can not be regarded as correct, because according to the chronicle. Yaroslav died on October 1) 187 g. I, and the poet, appealed to him as alive, of course, could not talk about an event that occurred only after the death of the prince. Therefore, accepting this assumption, researchers are forced to make a variety of reservations, to resort to new and new assumptions; as a result, the participation of Galicians in the crusade itself becomes, rather, more eventual than the real’847. A peculiar improvement of the version of D. N. Dubensky is an attempt to link the mention of “Saltan” with the Iconic Sultan Kilij-Arslan II, the leader of the Seljuks, in the tragic battle for Byzantium at Miriquefalos on Sept. 17, 1176, in which maybe Galician participated102 . However, all this – nothing more than a guess, which does not have the slightest support in the sources. 

 The plural form of the Saltan used in the Word suggests that in this case it is unlikely that a certain ruler with the title of the Sultan is meant. At the same time, the expression “for the lands” (“shooters … Saltans by the land”) does not necessarily be understood as an indication to the far-flung overseas countries. S. A. Pletnev offers, in our opinion, a simpler and more convincing solution. Composed in the early XIV century. in one of the Crimean cities, the Polovtsian Dictionary (Codex Cumanicus) 1113 placed an interesting nomenclature titles Polovtsian nobility. The supreme title of Khan here is the Latin imperaior and the Persian Shah. And the next in seniority is the title is set up, corresponding to the Latin g ex. “This title – explains SA Pletnev – most researchers before- 

 225 refers to the late, which arose in the Golden Horde time … However, at the end of the XII century. in the “Tale of Igor’s Regiment” this title is mentioned in the address of the Kyivan Prince to Yaroslav Osmomysl … It seems to me that the fact of mentioning this title in two sources, which have a direct relation to the Polovtsy, allows us to still speak of the existential- 

 104 years 

 Bryan A. Rybakov comes to a similar decision, which indicates that the word “Soltan” in the sense of a nobleman remains up to our time in the Crimean Tatar language1115. 

 An additional confirmation in favor of the version of SA Pletnev is the data of the toponyms. In the XIX century, on the shore of the Seversky Donets (that is, in the places of residence of the Donetsk Polovtsy), the settlement SALTANOVSKY was mentioned, which was mentioned in the historical and statistical description of the Kharkiv diocese in 1857 g.11 ‘6. Soltani “The heads of individual Polovtsian hordes, sometimes called” Lepash princes “848, could be called. Thus, the enemies of Yaroslav Osmomysl, in which he fired from his table, most likely, were the same Polovtsian princes, with whom Yaroslav always fought, and others are he Second Word. The mention of these “sultans” is logically associated with the immediate subsequent then the call to shoot in bad Konchak, for the land of Rus, for the wounds of Igor. 

 Note that among the Polovtsian princes, with whom the Osmophysics fought, there were also “sultans for lands”, it was possible to reach their nomadic colonies only by pursuing a far-reaching campaign in the middle of steppes. And such campaigns were repeatedly carried out by the Galician regiments sent by Yaroslav. The closest example is the campaign by the Kyivan princes-co-rulers Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich and Rurik Rostislavich in 1184, ending with the glorious victory of Russian soldiers on the river Orel; among the participants of the campaign, the chronicle notes “from Galicia to help Yaroslav” 10 *. Sources also contain many examples of how the Volyn and Galician princes, at the head of their regiments, fight with the steppe, and, having achieved victory, capture a significant military victory. In 1160 “Volodimer Andreevich, and Yaroslav ‘Izyaslavich, and Galicians beat Polovtsy boundaries Munarev’ and Yaropolchym ‘and many spirit polotonysh, 

 Among the hostile Galician princes of the Polovtsian Soltanov, whom he was supposed to shoot, were, of course, those who sought to capture nomads in many steppes of the inter-rivers of the Dniester and the Danube, that is, on those lands which in Galich were considered to be their Podol or Ponizim. Recent studies show that the concept of the Lowland has a narrower and more specific meaning, which is used predominantly in relation to the Galician land; in historical-ethnographic and historico-geographic terms, the lower reaches include the land in the middle and lower reaches of the Dniester River – the Prut – Dunia853. 

 When asked whether the Galician princes had permanent control over these lands, with all the incompleteness and ambiguity of the information available to us, it would seem worth giving, rather, a negative answer. But there is no doubt another: Halych constantly sought to take this territory under his control, because he believed Ponomarya his, Galician. Of particular respect in the eyes of the Galician deserved those princes who could keep Ponizovsky land, since this, not to mention the political benefits, gave important advantages for trade and fishing854. 

 However, the Underground is often thought of as a separate land from Galich where even their princes could be. Let’s recall how Mstislav the Wise, yielding to the Hungarian king’s Galician table, dreamed of “taking” Ponizie 855, and then requesting Ponomarya from Danil, offering instead assistance in the struggle for Galich856. In the chronicles we find such an announcement: in 1241 the boyar, Dobroslav Sudyitch, had a grandson, and entered the city of Ba-Kot, and took all the lower lands without a princely command. On the isolated status of the Galician Lowland indicates the presence of its own capital, which as a hippie in. became the city of Bacot-та858. But, on the other hand, it is an evident fact of the persistent desire of the Galician to restore the power of the capital of Dniester over the rebellious Ponizeme. For this purpose, at one time, the boyar Sudislav Bernatovich, the actual ruler of the city under King Andrew’s 859, went to the hike. Princes 

 Summing up our observations, one should admit that the issue of the southern border of Galician land can not have an unambiguous decision. During the political rise of Galich in the second half of the XII

 in. the power of his princes spread to the lower reaches of the Danube, but in the middle of the 11th century. this power was shrinking, losing control over the peripheral territories, which were the lower reaches, or, say, the “mountainous country of Peremyshl’skaya”. It was not easy to rule in Ponizovsky lands for Galich, because most of them were not inhabited by the Russian people of the steppe, which claimed by the neighboring peoples, first of all, the nomads, and where from the very Galich and, apparently, other Russian lands raced or fired various kinds of people, united by hostile mood towards their persecutors. And, nevertheless, the restoration of power in the lower reaches was perceived in Galina as the most important strategic task, and much effort was made to solve it. *


 In conclusion, one more question is still to be considered: the ethnic composition of the population of Berlad, those whom it is customary to call Berlad-Kami, and later “Podunaytsami” and “Galician Vigontsami”. It seems to us that there is hardly any reason to confuse them with the known chronicles of the XII – XIII centuries. other inhabitants of southern Russian steppe outskirts – brodnikami860. As the latest research shows, the wolves generally had another ethnic origin and, so to speak, a more ancient ethnic history, being descendants of the Iranian-speaking Scythian-Sarmatian population861. Previously, it was suggested that the wolves or, at least, the part that lived east of the Dnieper were the remnants of the Khazar Kaganate population862, or an ethnically variegated conglomerate of Alans, Bulgarians, Polovtsians, and Russian outskirts863. One way or another, we see 

 The proprietors of the same “Vigonzi” are Russian people. This, among other things, is indicated by the names of their leaders in the annals: Yuri Domanhirich and Derzhikry Volodyavich125, as well as numerous archaeological materials of Russian descent and characteristic of Russian life, abundantly presented on the right bank of the Lower Danube126. Russian presence in these lands continued after the death of Ivan Berladnik, when the very name “bribes” for some reason came out of use. He was replaced by the end of the XII century. came another – “podunaycy”. By 1190, the Hypatian Chronicle reports that in Torchok to Rostislav Rurikovich, “clamored husbands” of black hoods arrived with the words: “These Polovtsians do not fight often in winter. But do not you know, Podunaycy Is it, or what ?! “127. 

 In order to understand the meaning of these words, it is necessary to recall how several earlier in the annals were reported a joint campaign of the Russian princes and black hoodies against the Dnieper Polovtsians at a time when the last “somewhat went to Donaeus, and not their homes in the towers of their own” 128 The above news does not leave doubt that “podunaytsi” were conceived as a special ethnopolitical entity, which can not be confused with either Polovets or black cloaks: both the first and the second contrasts themselves with the “podunaytsam”; some saw some booty in them, others – some stranger, a distant people whose fate they would not want to divide (“Podunaytsi Is I, or what ?!”) And only the Russian princes sometimes took care of the distant “Podunay-tsyah” , coming to their aid in a difficult moment, so perhaps during the Polovtsian invasion on the Danube in the winter of 1188/89, when the orders of the Russian princes black hats attacked the Polovtsy from the rear. And in the subsequent attack on the Lower Danube, Polovtsians called for appropriate measures on the part of the Russian princes, by their nature resembling the actions of retaliation. In 1192, the chronicle once again says that the Russian princes received news from black hoods about the attack on the Danube by Polovtsy; two young princes Svyatoslav and Rostislav Volodymyrovych went to the campaign, but the case then ended in nothing due to the betrayal of the black clobbers864. 

 The “Scythians”, that is, the Russians, were considered by the Byzantine authors of the Podunian people at the end of the 12th century. About the “post-Soviet Scythians” who supported the liberation uprising of the Bulgarians, says in his speech the secretary of the Byzantine emperor Isaac Angel Sergiy Koliwa1’0. Their more detailed characterization is found in Nikita Honiata: “… those of the Thief-Don, despise death, the branch of the Tauriscifs (i. n], the people, the kind [war god] Aryai, who helped the barbarians in Böhme [the Balkans], bowed down with them unbeaten and perished “141. It seems to us that there is not enough reason to interpret the sources mentioned in some kind of “Vordon” as an indication of the Broadway 865. Such identification is possible only on the basis of a very distant consonance. In addition, it is clear from the above passage that the mentioned Vardon is, rather, a geographical concept, the name of that place, where did the people of the Tauro-Scythians come from helping the enemies of the empire in the Balkans. This name is by no means identical in the source with the pseudo-Nikon “branch of the Tauruscifs”, since it denotes the phenomenon of another semantic order. 

 The news of the Russian chronicles does not leave any doubt that the wolves and the Russian population of Podunavia (bribes, Galician “Vigonzi”) – in the ethnic (ethnopolitical) relation to different categories. The bells are mentioned in the annals when it comes to some contacts with nomads, Polovtsians or Tatars. In 1146, near Dedoslavl, many of the “Brodnichi and Polovtsi arrived” to Svyatoslav Olgovichush. Together with the Polovets, the brooms (“Cumam et Brodnici”) have been repeatedly marked by Hungarian sources near the borders of the kingdom in the first half of the 13th century. And the Lower Danube River in Hungarian documents is often referred to as “Cumania et Brodinia terra” 134. 

 In the notorious battle at Kalka, the brothels, who spoke on the side of the Tatars, were destined to play a truly fatal role. Their leader, named Ploknina, violated the oath given to the Russian princes, which cost the lives of thousands of Russian warriors135. The behavior of the Galician “Vigonians” looks like a vivid contrast, and also took part in the battle at Kalka. However, unlike the marmot, “Vigontsy” fought on the side of the Russian princes, being part of the detachment brought by Galician prince Mstislav Udaloy136. 

 As we see, it is precisely in question about the attitude to the nomads, on the one hand, and to Russia – on the other, a deep watershed passes between the wolves and the people of the Lower Danube. The first willingly went to the alliance with the nomads and, moreover, were most often perceived almost as one whole with them. Others, on the contrary, rather opposed nomads (in this capacity they were useful and Byzantium), often became the object of their aggression and in political terms were much closer to the interests of Russia, taking advantage of the same again its support in the moments of steppe attacks . The only case known to us for the common actions of Polovtsy and Podunaytsev – bribes does not oscillate our conclusion at all. Then, in 1159, for a campaign to Galich, as we recall, Ivan Rostislavich assembled six thousand bribers and allied Polovtsians; but this joint action failed 

 because the latter began to ruin the Russians – the inhabitants of Galicia no. Boyars and the community of Halych in the reign of Yaroslav Osmomysl 

 Prince Yaroslav and “his sons”: the first annals of the Galician boyars, their evaluation by the researchers. – On the military and political significance for the sake of the princes with the boyars. – Boyars and military forces of the community. – Boyars and “Galicians” in the events of the early 1170’s. – The question of boyar “parties” and their role in the political life of the community. – Concluding remarks. 

 The social status and the role of the Galician nobility with greater clarity and completeness are revealed in the events of the 50’s and 70’s of the XII century. These became an important stage in the political development of the Galician community. Since that time, the Galician nobility attracted the attention of researchers who put forward a variety of explanations and assessments of the socio-political significance of the boyars. Many disputes in science are conducted, in particular, with regard to the sources of the influence of the boyars on the course of social affairs, their high social status in general866. The solution of the problem, which appears in light of the latest research of the sociopolitical system of Ancient Rus, 867, is rooted in the relationship between the nobility and the simple members of the city, the earth. Therefore, we consider it expedient to apply a special appeal to this topic, which is still not sufficiently developed in the scientific literature868. 

 At the same time, a lot of historians have been told about the unusual role of the Galician nobility, which was manifested in relation to the local princes. “This is an edge,” wrote V.V.Mavrodin, a rich and influential boyar, who is accustomed to look at “Chervensky cities”, in the Carpathian region, and in the lower reaches of the “mountainous Przemysl region” as their own land, where only the supreme power of the prince is formally established “869. “Nowhere the prestige of the prince’s power fell as low as in the Galician-Volhynian Rus, nowhere in Boyar’s tyranny did not reach such boundaries,” MN Tikhomirov remarks. 

 At the same time, scientists in different ways decide the question of when this feature of the political structure of the Galician land and the region as a whole is formed. Some believe that already before the time of joining Cher-Viennese cities in Russia at the end of the X century. the local nobility was so strong and arbitrary that “the princes were sent to Galicia with great difficulty” 870. Others start counting the “boyar opposition” in Gapicino on the events of the 40’s of the CP in 871. But most researchers agree that the beginning of the exacerbation in relations between nobility and princes falls on the time of the reign of Galich Yaroslav Osmo-fishing *. 

 This point of view in the most expanded form is represented by the newest researcher of South-Western Russia N. F. Kotlyar. He notes the sudden burst of political activity of the Galician nobility, which coincides with the time of Yaroslav’s reign. If his father, Prince Volodymyrko Volodarevich, “all issues of internal and foreign policy … solved alone,” then with the worship of Yaroslav, “the situation is changing, and judging by the chronicle, as if suddenly.” Halychyna boyars now “immeasurably more active than Volyn, intervene in the political life of their land and the principality in general” 872. 

 The reason for such a conclusion is the researcher finds in the narrative of the chronicle, as the Kiev messenger to the Galician prince Peter Borisovich, returned to Galich, the new prince Yaroslav, finds the last sitting on the princely table surrounded by “all his husbands” 873. Another reason is the message of how the Galician “Husbands” say to their young prince before the battle: “You are young people, but they are still shamefully blind to us …” 874. According to these reports (and there are no other reports on this score), NF Kotlyar finally sees the tendency to admire the boyars of the full power of the authorities and in the principality: “These men,” he writes, “extremely quickly seize power in the principality and prevail over Yaroslav” 875. Therefore, we will dwell in more detail on the evidence given by him sources and on the possibility of reading these certificates. 

 Thus, in February 1153, the Kyivan messenger Peter, who left Galich after the failure of the negotiations with Prince Volodymyrk, was unexpectedly again called to the Galician prince: “Peter is a poem, V, Grade (Galich – AM), and a prize to the prince’s court . And then he thinks that he is the servants of the prince, against him, in the black men of Mikhail. And, species of Beth, Peter, and see: “What is this?” And like the steps on the horses, and the kinds of Yaroslav, who were sitting on this place in the black crests of Mityliv and V, the clobberries, the same is true of his husbands. “876. The attracted text, in our opinion, absolutely definitely shows that the surprise of Peter is not due to what NF Kotlyar concentrated on. The Kiev envoy, only on the eve of the shame left Galich and now did not expect anything good from this new visati877, arriving at the prince’s court, is surprised, seeing mourning clothes met his servants, and then seeing at the princely table instead of Volodymyrka his son Yaroslav, also dressed in mourning, like the former Galician “men” with him. It was these changes that really happened suddenly, surprised and impressed by Peter. 

 As for the presence of the Prince “husbands”, then, unlike NF Kotljar, neither Peter himself nor the chronicler do not give this fact any slightest significance. And the matter is not in any particular insight of the newest researcher who managed to see what slipped away from the views of contemporaries of events. In our belief, in order to understand the true meaning of the chronicle narrative, it is necessary to look at the events described as possible in the eyes of their contemporaries. Implementing such an approach in our day can be by taking into account scientific data on the extent to which one or another phenomenon of social and political reality was characteristic of its time, how often it was encountered in public practice and what significance it had. 

 Returning to Peter’s picture of a picture (the Galician prince sits on the table surrounded by all his “husbands”), we must note that this is about the boyars: “the boyars” calls them the Lavrentyevskaya annals 879, as the boyars perceive these men contemporary investigators880. “Men” -boy always and everywhere indispensable companions of the princes, their constant environment. “The Chronicle,” writes I. Ya. Froyanov, summarizing the relevant factual material, – waving stories about the princes who are in the boyar company in a variety of life situations, public and everyday life “881. This is not surprising, because the boyars – the advisers of the prince and his closest support, and this state is normal, obnate882. It does not contain any hint of any kind of attempts by the boyars to subjugate the prince and take in their hands all the full power in the principality. That, that the Kiev envoy found himself in the capital of the Galician prince of the boyars, was for him as ordinary as it was, and that he found himself there the prince himself. Not the presence of the new Galician prince “men” -boyar, and the funeral clothes on them caused surprise of the Kievan, did not know anything about the death of the former prince211. This is the true meaning of this episode. 

 From the subsequent reports of the chronicles it is clear that these “men”, around Yaroslav during the visit of Peter, reached the new Galician prince from his father along with the princely table, and they would like to build their relations with the new prince on the same grounds as with his predecessor. “How will your fathers feed,” and “Lyubil ‘,” they say to Yaroslav, “but if you want to be your father’s honor and your own head” 883. All this also gives no reason to suspect the boyars in an effort to usurp the supreme power in the principality. 

 When in February of the next 1154, during the hike to Halych of Kyivan Prince Izyaslav Mstislavich, the boyars offered their young prince not to participate in a dangerous battle, this does not mean an attempt on the rights of the prince as a military leader. It is difficult to agree with BA A. Rybakov who believed that this offer “the Galician boyars caused an unbelievable image of their prince.” 12. His request, expressed in the most loyal expressions, motivates the boyars: “You are our prince, we are alone” otochynite, then we work “884. The boyars, therefore, are interested in the well-being of their prince and strive not to get rid of him in order to assign the princely power, but to provide the prince with relative security as a guarantor of independence and well-being of the whole of the land of Alice. 

 However, the “men” -boyars not only send the prince out of the battlefield, so he retires outside the city885. In fact, as it seems to us, the boyars offer the prince his plan for a future military operation, in which the prince is given a very important role exactly as the army collects, decisive responsible combat task. The Boyars formulate it as follows: “And I will go, prince, to the city (Terebovlya, A. M.), we will be beaten” by Izyaslav himself, and who will be us “, but will succeed to you” 886. Sending the prince in Terebovl, the boyars say: “… and I will go and shame us”. 887. So, the prince should not hide behind the walls of the city, and carefully monitor the course of the battle in order to keep the overall situation under its control, as it suits the main the army collects. After the “evil” battle of Galicia, restraining the onslaught of the prevailing number of opponents and causing him significant damage, “Vbgoshha … in their city Terebovlya” 888. Consequently, the task of the prince, according to the plan of the Galician “husbands”, was that, taking the city, he would not only defend him promptly from the advancing protivnik889 in time, but would thereby provide a reliable rear of the main Galician army.890. 

 Thus, one more semantic meaning emerges from all the episode under consideration. In front of us, the council of the prince with the boyars has a decisive battle, in which responsibilities are divided between the leaders of the army (the prince and the “men” -boyars) at the time of the hostilities. *


 There is nothing unusual in such a situation. The prince simply calls for advice to his boyars, “smyselynyh husbands”, as well as “men” do not miss the opportunity to speak before the prince about those or other decisions and plans. If the prince neglected the advice of the boyars or acted contrary to their opinion, then it turned for him, as a rule, extremely unfavorable poststviyami3 “The more needed the prince in council with the boyars in a tense atmosphere of the future battle, which required a responsible decision. 

 An interesting analogy is found in the events of 1093 g.31 Then the Russian regiments, led by the Kiev prince Svyatopolk, came to Trepel to reflect the invasion of Polovtsians. When both troops approached each other, reaching the town of Stutna, Svyatopolk, Volodimer, and Rostislav convened their wife on the soviet, wanting to surrender the cherry river, and begin to think. And Volodymer glagolas, as “Sde beside standing” river, in a thunderstorm, creating a “measure” with them. And, with the advice of this man, men are smyaslyany, Yan and other “32” smytslyany men “of this episode of historians rightly identified with the boyarami33. On this, the analogy ends, because the Kyivites are the main force involved in the campaign, “It is not a wounder for this purpose,” and “another” is another “s’vet” – to cross Stugun to meet the Polovtsians34. The reason for such behavior of Kiev, in our opinion, is that that the offer is to stand on its own bank until the conclusion of peace with the Polovtsians, proceeding not from the Kievan prince or the boyars (Monomakh expressed it). It did not find proper support either in the Kievan prince or in the boyars891, so it is quite natural not to accept him and the Kyivites. 

 We can confidently say that before us is not a single fact (the result of the accidental coincidence of the positions of the “duma” -boyar and the rest of the community), and one of the many manifestations of deeply rooted in social practice rules: the advice of the boyars princes. * – * (When it comes to the community) always take into account the interests and mood of the community and never openly contradict them. 

 Here are just a few examples, chronologically related to an interesting time for us. In 1147 Izyaslav Mstislavich assembled “his own boyars, and all his drouhinu, Kyyane,” announcing his intention to fight Yuri Dolgoruky. The Kievans flatly refused to support the prince: “We can not” on Volodymyr the tribe of Rooko was raised. “892. The boyars and the wife on the pages of the chronicle do not silence893, but the community (” Kiev “) answers for them, the boyars here dissolve in a single mass of Kievans, their silence testifies to agreement with the opinion of the entire community. 

 Even more revealing news 1151. The attack on Kiev troops Yuri Dolgoruky forced his opponents – Izyaslav, Vyacheslav and Rostislav – to “think” about the steps in. If Izyaslav and his brother insisted on taking decisive action against Yuri (“he would rather oppose them”), then “Drouhina Vyacheslavvlya, and Izyaslav, and Rosty-Slavlov, and all of the Prince of Constantinople will be convinced of the fact, and Kiyane, especially the Black Clobber, from that oustyagosha “. After the exchange of opinions, the princes “drowned their own droves, and Kiyans, and the Black Kloboukov”. 

 Having in mind primarily the interests of the community (the “people of Kiev”), “men” -boyars say on the council of the new Kiev prince Rostislav, who was about to fight with Chernihiv prince Izyaslav (1154): “That God blew the line of your Vyacheslav, and you you are still with people in Kiev not oudverdil ‘. And Lepel will go to Kiev with the people. “The boyars seem to make the prince understand that while he is not” established “with the community, he can not engage in his political affairs, without risk being left without community support. By rejecting this council of the boyars, Rostislav must act solely at his own risk, depriving community support. Having failed, he can not return to Kiev and is forced to say hello to the Kiev table895. Apparently, the community does not forgive the prince disregard for her interests in order to please her personal ambitions. 

 In 1167, Prince Vladimir Kostolinsky, Mstislavovich, in his turn decided to oppose the Prince of Kiev Mstislav Izyas-Slavich. With the intention of engaging Volodymyr’s “forces of the community” Ambassador to Ra-guly Dobrynych, and Ky Mikhalov, and Kz Zavidovo, presenting his “own opinion” 896. But this time the boyars refused to support the prince: “You see, you, prince, thought,” and not 897. Having received the refusal of the boyars, the prince remained without the support of the military forces of the community (troops, regiments) and had to seek allies among the Berendeers, which led him to complete collapse. “And I, indeed, have perished” both soul and life “, – the prince states with bitterness. After the failure of his vows, Volodymyr, like Rostislav in the previous example, does not think about returning to his parish, and then he longs for a search for priyuta4’1 in Russia. 

 He neglected the advice of “Leopes of the Men” and also lost the community support of the prince Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich in Kyiv (1180). Having concluded a conspiracy against David Rostislavich and hid his intentions from the Kyiv boyars, Svyatoslav, like Volodymyr in 1167, could act, relying solely on the forces of his own wife. Having failed and realizing that it came without the approval of Kiev citizens, Svyatoslav can not count on their support in the future. The weakness of his situation, which has become a consequence of frustration with the community, makes the prince voluntarily leave the Naddniprians’kyi souls898. 

 Thus, the boyars – representatives of the community on the council with the prince. Their voice is, as a rule, the voice of the community, in any case, when issues are discussed that directly affect its interests. The “advice” of the boyars, it seems to us, could have a meaning as a way of ascertaining possible reactions of the community to those or other undertakings of the prince. 

 V. I. Sergeevich wrote about this: “The prince had to persuade the Duma in the expediency of their intentions. The general action was possible only when the minds agreed with the prince. Otherwise, the prince had to refuse the action he planned “899. We believe that persuading “thinkers” in their own right made little sense to the prince only under the condition that through them it was possible to involve the forces of the community in the realization of their intentions, especially when it came to the mobilization of the troops. Closer to the point of view of MS Hrushevsky, who explained the importance of the council with the boyars the desire of the prince “to learn about the mood of the community or to secure the help of its influential members for the implementation of this or that plan” 900. 

 The combined role of the knights council in the relations of the prince with the community with some reservations are recognized by Soviet historians. “In discussing cases involving free cities, in which the prince ruled on the” row “, the council was attended by representatives of magistrates” – writes 

 V.T. Pashuto, referring to the last chronicles of “Horde men”, who are not princely warriors, but representatives of the local community901. Therefore, it is so important for the prince that this “council” was quite representative and authoritative. The direct and direct dependence of the strength of the position of the prince in the parish land on his good relations with the “Duma” -boyars is clearly seen in the famous aphorism of Danylo Zatotnik: “With good thoughts, the prince thinks about a high table, and thinks with a dumb thinker – and a small table deprived 

 will be »902. 

 However, the “council” with the boyars acted as a means to draw the attention of the prince to those or other needs of the community, to find effective measures for their satisfaction903. That is why one must think that the community is always so painfully responsive to any attempts by the prince to evade the council from the “Lepash men”, “front”, “bigger wife” 904, since in such cases “people do not get the prince of truth” 905. If the prince rejected the “front men”, it was perceived by his contemporaries as a desire for unanimous rule (“although self-loser be”) to the same extent as the removal from his path of prince-rivals906. 

 Our comments on the significance of the prince’s council with the boyars, of course, relate to the military-political sphere, especially those tense moments when the political future of the community was decided, as it was under Terebovlya in 1153 *


 What is the reason for such a high value of the “council” of the boyars (for military affairs) for the prince? Why does the prince turn to the boyars, when needs military support of the community? Why is the prince so attentive to the nobility of the boyars, when he leads the army to the enemies? Finally, why the refusal of the boyars to support the military establishment of the prince turns into non-participation in them and the Zemsky troops? We look forward to answering these questions from the events of the military history of Galicia in the 50’s and 70’s of the 12th century. 

 As already mentioned, in the Battle of Terebovl’y there was a division of duties between the prince and the boyars as the leaders of the Zemstvo army in order to successfully accomplish the combat task facing him. The main part of the Galician army remains then without a prince and successfully fights with the enemy (in its account, the decisive contribution to the achievement of victory), managed, therefore, by their own leaders, acting independently of the prince. The fact that this army is a massless mass, and a well-organized, self-governing organization, can be judged by the fact that there are “best men” in it, 907 – the same 

 boyars and warlords. 

 Particular attitude to the “best men” of the Galician is shown by their enemies – warriors Izyaslav Mstislavicha, 908, which clearly indicates the special position of “best men” in his own army. In the army of Kiev, who invaded Galicia in 1152, there are also “best men” (“Kiyani Lutse”); their participation in the campaign is especially marked by the leopes of the 909. It seems that this is done without difficulty. There are facts that show that the army left without “the best (” good “) men” becomes unmanageable and loses combatability.910. The special role of “best men” in the army, apparently, is that they are chiefs of the primary military units and at the same time the most combatant soldiers. In some episodes, “best men” are horsemen and are opposed to horses’ wars911. 

 Independence of the military forces of the Galician community can be traced in a number of other episodes. Thus, under 1159, we read in the annals: “Mstislav, Volodymir, and Yaroslav, and Galicians go to Kyiv” 912. Here, a self-governing Galician army is represented as an independent member of the anti-Kiev coalition (with the fact that the army went to the campaign and the Galician prince) on an equal footing with troops acting under the leadership of the princes. Later the Galician prince ceased to participate in military campaigns beyond the Galician land, and thus the Galician army became fully independent. In 1160 Volodimer Andreevich, and Yaroslav Izyaslavich, and Galicians beat Polovtsy in the border between Munarev and Yaropolchim, and had a lot of breaths, and Polovtsy took the bayhat. 913. In 1169, “Mstislav the same Izyaslavich, son of Yaroslav’s brother,” 

 In sources, we find information of this kind: in 1160 twice mentioned “Galichskaya help”, which assisted Svyatoslav Olgovich in the fight against Izyaslav Davydovich915. Since then, the amateur “Galichskaya help” is constantly appearing in the chronicles as a military force equal in value to the “troops” and “shelves” operated by the princes916. Particular attention deserves the news about the circumstances of the celebration in Kiev, Mstislav Izyaslavich (1170): “And, come in ‘to Kiev (Mstislav. ~ AM.), Take the numbers of his brother, son of Yaroslav and Volodymyr Mstislavich, z Galicans, and zi Vsevolodkovich ‘, and Svyatopolk’ Gurgevichich ‘, and from Kievan “917. 

 I. Ya. Froyanov and A. Yu. Dvornichenko reasonably note that “the chronicler calls the Galician and Kyivans” brotherly “along with the princes, thus emphasizing the equality of the parties.” 918. Considering the sources’ sources, the scholars state: “The Galician city community, the Galician militia are mentioned often without direct military commanders, it is the dominant in the military sphere “919. This, of course, does not mean that the Galician army, in some cases acting (on the pages of the chronicle), as if by itself, could do without direct military commanders. After all, as you know, any military organization has a clear structure and internal hierarchy and is built, as a rule, on the principle of united command. At our disposal there is also direct evidence that the Galician army is managed by its own leaders. We know some of them by names. 


 “The whole outfit”. 

 In the autonomy and skill of these voivods, as military leaders – the strength and glory of the Galician army. In the chronicler’s obituary for the death of Yaroslav Vladimirovich it is said: “But the prince … glorified” half a kilos, where he will be able to embody the image, he does not go to the regiments with his own waters “922. The last phrase should be understood as follows: “… when there was an image from him, he himself did not go with the regiments, but sent the governor” 923. 

 V. N. Tatishchev supplements this characteristic with the words that did not reach us the source that nobody dared to attack Yaroslav Galitsky, because the Galician governorates, helping the Greeks, Czechs and Hungarians continuously, were able to steal in military affairs and brave – bit 7’1 . 

 Thus, Galician boyars – “brave men” and voivods – g: all the episodes considered appear to us as you control. -. – The military forces of the sovereign community. They personally participate in hostilities. Their death, captivity or, on the contrary, happy salvation from death and captivity – events marked by the annals along with the facts of participation in the battles of the princes and information about their fate. Connection of the boyars with the troops * Closer and deeper connection of the army with the prince. The Galician army in many cases freely copes without any involvement of the prince, but without the fate of “their boyars – never. The Boyars exercise direct control of the army (voivods) and, probably, make up its best, strike forces (“brave men”). No wonder, therefore, the term “boyar”, as shown by the study of linguists, in the n language is conducted; * root battle in the sense of ‘battle’, ‘srazhenie’


 The boyars’ connection with the community does not diminish even in peacetime, when the voivods and “brave men” return from the campaign, returning * and, like the ordinary warriors, to the affairs and concerns of peaceful life. Remains: the character of this connection is unchanged: in the peacetime of the boyars before. \ Direct participants and community leaders are all important in her affairs. 

 An example here is the turbulent events in Galich beginning in the 1170’s, invariably causing the living interest of the researcher ‘The story about them placed in 1173 g.7’ 1 Source says: “In that summer, the princess will run away from the prince Galicha Vy Lyahy son zi Volodimir ‘ -: Ksyatin ‘Seroslavichy’, and many boyars with him have a bishop for eight months ?: Begun, Svyatopolk and his wife are slaves to her, and she is still a prince of your name. “The volodymer is also an ambassador to Svyatoslav Ky Mstislav-chu, asking for him Chervnaya: “Damn, we will do that seduction’s goodness. Slaty in Galich, if you sit down in Galich, then Buzhsk will be yours Orochyu and 3 gardens to the prides “to that.” Svyatoslav ‘and he and his k’y his goal to help him. And I will search Volodimyr Ky Chervnyu and his mother, and oustreta and news from Svyatopolk from Galich: “Go eat! Father, you esm yali and his friends, Chargov, sometimes broke. And this is your enemies – Nastasskaya. “But Ga-lychane, put on fire, sizzohosh, and her son will be sent to prison, and the prince will be watered to the cross, as he has the truth to the princess, and I’m ok” 5 

 The first thing that can be deduced from this story – the princess and prince who fled from Galicia, accompany “the many boyars” headed by Konstantin (Kostian) Seroslavich, repeatedly headed the Galician army and enjoyed the great authority of the Galician. So, before us, there is no family conflict between the prince and his wife and son, and much more broadly in the social plane movement with a clearly expressed political color, the purpose of which, as rightly noted by some researchers, is to protect the prince and the community from the growing influence of the “charcoal child” and all of her “friends”, is personified by the princess’s mistress Nastaška925. 

 Further. In the events set forth in the annotated passage, from the beginning and to the end a certain logical sequence is viewed. The departure from Galich together with the princess of the influential boyars immediately finds a response in the Galician community (“another wife” 926), the leader of which is some Svyatopolk. Attraction to the fugitives, this “wife” sends messengers, calling back to return and promising to “imate” Prince Yaroslav. Probably Princess Olga and her son Volodymyr responded to the Galician’s consent, approving their intentions regarding Yaroslav. This is indicated by two subsequent sections of the plot. After talks with Olga and her son, the Galicians began active action; they took the prince in custody (“Jail”) and broke the hated “Chargovo Chud”, making all this before returning to Galich Olga and Vladimir. 

 Astonishing interpretation of this episode, V.T. Pa-shuto: “It is from Poland that many boyars, led by the famous voivod Constantine Seroslavich, achieved from Yaroslav Osmomysl’s promise to” have a princess in the truth, “and then burned his illegitimate wife Nastasko, sent to Uv ‘ the killing of her son Oleg and interrupted by the NIZOVSKY wife of Yaroslav. “928 It turns out that the events that took place in Galich were the work of the boyars who were in Poland, and that it was thanks to the presence in Poland that the boyars managed to achieve their own from the Galician prince. Much closer to the truth of the explanation of P.I. Tolochko: “The departure of Princess Olga with his son Vladimir and the boyars to Poland made a huge impression on the Galician. A real uprising broke out in the city. Yaroslava was arrested in his own palace; his friends Chargovicha chopped, and his mistress Nastasko 


 burned in the boat .. “. 

 In this episode, the boyars and the Galich community work together at the same time. Their actions, differing in ways, are essentially aimed at the same thing. The boyars enter the cause first, and the community immediately follows their example. The initial act of this whole story was a demonstrative departure from Galich of influential boyars headed by Konstantin Serosovich, who, it seems, had the meaning of a kind of signal for the rest of the community, which prompted a move to decisive action against the “Chargovichy”. From the words of Svyatopolk it is clear that the community immediately after the departure of the boyars is ready to begin a massive performance. Hence, the boyars’ intentions were news for her, in any case, they completely coincided with the mood of the Galician. In a unified system against common enemies, the simple inhabitants of Galicia, and the remaining boyars (led by Svyatopolk), stand for it. 

 Our observations can be confirmed and concretized, drawing parallels between the events of 1170 in Galicia and the absolutely similar case that took place in Volodymyr-Zalessky in 1177. Like the Galician, the Volodymyrs were dissatisfied with their Prince Vsevolod for the fact that he, as and Yaroslav Galitsky, favored the people, the perceived community by their enemies. As in Galich, so in Volodymyr, the boyars enter the cause first. “The boyars and the merchants are rising up, they say:” Knyazha, we want you good “and you keep your head in it.” And you keep your enemies simple, and this is your enemy and ours, Suzhaltsy and Rostovtsi, and all the executions, any blind guys, ali give us. “930. Vsevolod” Ludiyi split “planted” enemies “in a felony, but this half-event did not satisfy the community and caused the general movement now.” On a small day again, people will rise again and the boyars. And when Iodosh the prince’s court a lot of fire with a weapon. “What are their holds?” “Blind and”! ” The prince, Vsevolod, was saddened by the former, which could not have been retained by the Ludiyy, the multitude of their sake. “931” Boyars and ordinary communists here, like in Galicia, are merged into one single “multitude”, but not completely lost in it. The boyars raise their ordinary townspeople with a personal example, and then, when the movement, flaring up, reaches a mass scale, they appear as if behind the back of ordinary townspeople932, but do not leave them until a complete solution is made. but not completely lost in it. The boyars raise their ordinary townspeople with a personal example, and then, when the movement, flaring up, reaches a mass scale, they appear as if behind the back of ordinary townspeople932, but do not leave them until a complete solution is made. but not completely lost in it. The boyars raise their ordinary townspeople with a personal example, and then, when the movement, flaring up, reaches a mass scale, they appear as if behind the back of ordinary townspeople932, but do not leave them until a complete solution is made. 

 The turbulent events in Galich in 1170 did not exhaust the conflict within the Galician Community of the Hellenic, which lasted throughout the last quarter of the XII century. From time to time it became more intense and more and more involved in the orbit of the interests of the neighboring Volyn community. 

 In 1173, the same year, the disorder between Yaroslav Osmomysl and his son Volodymyr again began. This time it happens in the prince’s family did not cause the response from the side of the Galician community as in 1170. 

 however, it would be wrong to think that the Galician boyars and the whole community remained totally indifferent at that time’934’4. The position of the Galician in a resumed family conflict with the prince is clearly visible from the reports of the chronicle, although not directly and not claimed. When Volodymyr escaped from his father to the prince of Lutsk, Yaroslav Izyaslavich (“I beselected” (Yaroslav. 

 A. M.) to look for him a parish “), the Galician prince needed to resort to outsourced help to humiliate his wretched son and sway with his unsuccessful patron. “I sent Yaro-slav Galichikii. – Let’s read in the chronicle, – Lyaha will lead to help herself and yes, they’ll get 3000 hryvnias of silver, [two] cities and begin to send Kj Yaroslav: “Let my son, my son, go to the city”. He’s afraid of the burning of his parish, and let Volodymyr Kee Michal-vok Tortsky and kill his mother … “89. 

 The appeal of the Galician prince, with the help of not meeting, community, 90, and the invitation of foreign mercenaries, evidently testifies to the definite position occupied by the community in this conflict91. But this, as it seems to us, is not in any particular sympathy of the Galician in relation to Vladimir92, on the contrary, as further events indicate, he, as a ruler, enjoyed much less popularity and support of the community than his father, and, starting a new conflict with his father, Volodymyr Expecting, of course, not for the help of the Galician, but for the help of the Lutsk prince. 

 To clarify the role of the Galician in the events of 1173, it is necessary to draw a parallel with the similar preconditions and results of the collision that arose in the relations between the prince and the community in Kiev in 1147 and the chronicler described with the necessary details. The prince gathered the Chamber and appealed to him with the following words: “This is what I did with my brother.” with Volodymer ‘and Izyaslav’ Davydovichy, and zy Vsevolodich Svyatoslav ‘: whichever’ pushes on Hurgeev. on my strya, and on Svyatoslav to Souzhdulyu, the enemy of my Sviatoslav Al-govich, prayed. 935. On this the Chamber replied: “Prince, you are not angry with us that we can not” on Volodymyr’s tribe of Roque v’zdadi, but he and Olgovich – even with the child “936. 

 As we see, the prince appeals to the party with a request to support him in the fight against his “enemies”, whose community, guided by their own interests, in this case divergent with the interests of the prince, does not consider the enemies, and this becomes a sufficient reason to deny the prince support. Note that such a decision could only be taken by the veche, on which both the “boyars” and “the wife” and “Kievans”, ie, the whole city community, 937, agreed upon, provided the unanimous majority of those present – both the boyars and ordinary communists. And although the chronicle does not say anything about convening a meeting with the Galician prince, as it generally keeps silent about the participation of the community in the events of interest to us, it is evident from the actions of the prince himself that he, like the prince of Kiev in 1147, to achieve his goal should do it on his own. . And this, as the practice of such relations shows, could only be in those cases when the community decided not to give support to the prince938. *


 The unanimity with which the community performs in these and similar episodes excludes the possibility of talking about the existence in its environment at this time of some particular political groups, any influential “parties” that are fighting against each other in violation of the interests of the community. Meanwhile, there is a long-standing historiographic tradition to consider some cases of exacerbation of social relations in the ancient period through the prism of the struggle of various “parties” led by the nobles, who sought to take over the “parties” of rivals and impose their will on the entire community. Boyar “parties” historians find in different lands of Ancient Rus, but especially gladly talk about them in connection with the history of Galicia- 

 For such a view, it seems to us, there are not enough solid factual grounds, nor proper theoretical preconditions. Let’s dwell on this in more detail. 

 At one time, the insolvency of ideas about the fierce confrontation between boyar factions in Halychyna Russia tends to endorse his protégé at the princely table and thereby subjugate the entire land, said MP Dashkevich. After collecting and analyzing in detail the chronicles, which most often used by the supporters of the “party” of the Galician nobility, in his constructs, the historian concluded that, in most cases, the nobility did not know such a division, “and the princes were brought in to Halych or dismissed from him not separate parties, but all the nobility “940. At the same time, “when we notice the individual parties, it was not at all about the predominance of one handful of boyars over others” 941. It was “just a disagreement that proceeded from the fact that some considered one prince better than the other, but it was still did not lead the party to armed struggle, and the triumph of the prince of one party did not result in persecution and the flight of another. In general, we see the complete absence of phenomena inseparable from the struggle of parties and so often mentioned in the Novgorod chronicles. While running from the country, the Galician boyars did not expect persecution from their own brethren, but from the princes, and did not intend to rely on any kind of boyar party … In general, all the boyars remained in the country, even if in Halych, a prince sat and some of them did not sympathize with They obeyed the need, and we do not see that one party goes to another “942. and did not intend to rely on any kind of boyar party … In general, all the boyars remained in the country, even in Galich, a prince sat down, some of whom did not sympathize with. They obeyed the need, and we do not see that one party goes to another “942. and did not intend to rely on any kind of boyar party … In general, all the boyars remained in the country, even in Galich, a prince sat down, some of whom did not sympathize with. They obeyed the need, and we do not see that one party goes to another “942. 

 By most researchers, the remarks of N. P. Dashkevich were not heard. Many years later they supported them (however, without reference to their predecessor) K. A. Sofronenko. “One can not agree with the opinion of many historians,” she writes, “about the radical difference between the Galician boyars and the boyars of other principalities on the basis of the constant division of the first in the party. Boyar parties in Galytskoy Russia were not, but there were only differences between separate groups of boyars, the main line of all the boyars was united – to make their rule indestructible “943. 

 Not all of the provisions herein may equally be accepted by us. In particular, this applies to the assertion that only the boyars introduced or expelled from Galich princes, guided only by their narrow corporate tasks. The source of such a view lies in the incorrect interpretation of the chronicle term “Galicians”, under which N. P. Dashkevich and many other researchers consider exclusively the nobles.944. In fact, the term “Galician” as well as the equally meaning of the expression “Galician men” refer to the entire Galician community, meaning both the boyars and ordinary citizens945. However, the observation of N. P. Dashkevich on concrete facts of the political life of the Galician land of the late XII – early XIII century, reveal the lack of real signs of inter-party separation and hostility, can be recognized as credible. 

 One of the main arguments of the proof of the “party” of the population of Galicia and other ancient lands is considered to be found in the annals of the news of the presence of a certain “princess” of the prince, who support him, for example, when replacing the vacancy table. Another argument is the case of calling the princely table behind the back of the deceased prince of another candidate (we mean, first of all, the story with the son of Ivan Berladnitsa Rostislav) or episodes of massacres and persecutions in relation to some persons, which occur in connection with changes in the prince the table. Note that all these and similar facts are subject to a completely different perception. 

 First of all, in the notion of “friends”, in fact, in some cases, has a political shade, includes adherents of any-no prince, not only among the inhabitants of the land or the city in which he princes, but also the princes of other lands, the allies of the prince946 . This concept, therefore, has a very general meaning – supporters, allies in general, and, therefore, in each particular case, a special check and refinement of its meaning is required. Further. The calling of Berladnich, coming from some “Galician men” (“the party of supporters of the Lady”), in fact, turned out to be, as the chronicler himself says, “flattery”, that is, a lie, a deception947, which quite clearly characterizes this very “party”. Finally, in the persecution and executions committed by the princes of any persons after the acquisition or restoration of the princely table, in our opinion, 

 The fact that such a practice was very common and even an ordinary matter is evidenced by this fact. When he cries for the death of Smolensk prince Rostislav Mstislavich, his widow speaks. “There is a multitude of annoyance from the Smolnyan, and not in the form of a gentleman, they never promise their evil for any evil”. 948. The shift, or the calling of the princes, as shown by the research of I. Ya. Froyanov from the history of Novgorod, It was not a matter of the hands of individual “parties” led by the omnipotent boyars, but the result of the will of the entire city community, without which there were no significant, 


 lytic changes are simply impossible 

 We can not accept the idea of ​​the existence of “parties” in the Old Russian period and by virtue of another important argument, which reveals the lack of proper theoretical justification for this idea. In our understanding, in the conditions of direct democracy, which was the main principle of the state-political system of the lands of the Volosts of Ancient Rus ,949, there could exist only one single party – the majority party. Any political activity that contradicts the will and interests of the majority, as many factual data show, was predetermined in the first place, since all-city and general-interest interests always stand above the interests of certain groups, whatever they may be. 

 The communal ideal of the joint decision of all the most important foreign and domestic affairs, especially the acute problems, dominates in the minds of the people of the ancient era, which manifests itself in the facts of the consolidation of the community, rallies into a single whole in the face of danger, when the common interests are completely subordinated to any private interests and desire. As a result, it seems that one can speak only about the presence at some point among the townspeople of supporters or opponents of a particular prince, a political decision, the appearance of which was a response to the challenge of specific political circumstances, and not the result of social contradictions within the community. ?


 So, we tried to trace the events of the military and political history of Galicia in the 50’s and 70’s of the XII century. ties, fastening the relationship between the boyars and simple community members. This connection is invariably manifested in all the most important community activities: in hostilities against external enemies and in the resolution of internal troubles. Our observation of local material once again confirms the validity and validity of the general conclusion that during the period of Kyivan Rus “the boyars appear before us first of all as leaders, governing society, that is, performing well-known general functions” 950. 

 Boyarstvo is an essential and necessary element of a community organization, its leadership. In this, in our opinion, the main and most important source of high social status of the boyars. Boyars directly direct the activities of the community in such spheres as 

 257 the realization of military actions, whether it is a reflection of external aggression or assistance to allies outside its territory (here the boyars completely and successfully replace the prince). The authority gained by the boyars in the battlefields, where they are the commanders of the troops and its most militant members, “works” on them in a peaceful environment: their opinion is trusted by the community to the same extent as the opinion of the prince himself (“It was not for good , would not have accepted this prince and the boyars “, – simple people say” ‘). 

 But if the prince suddenly starts to harm the interests of the community, the boyars are the first to declare it, and the community responds responsibly to their voice, ready to support their “better husbands”. The interests of the Galician nobility in the considered time does not exist apart from the interests of the rest of the community, narrow corporate ties and relations do not have the force to separate and oppose the boyars and ordinary citizens in the social sense. The JI’s comments are deeply fair. V. Danilova concerning the integrity of the city community during the period of Kievan Rus as a single social organism, when “representatives of different states belonged to the same communal organizations”, and “the growing property and class-class differentiation did not tear apart the communal shell” 951. Therefore, in our understanding , the power of the Galician nobility, repeatedly noted by the researchers, – this is the power of the Galician community itself, it has indeed significantly strengthened and increased during the reign of Yaroslav Vladimirovich952. The origins of the political power of the Southwest Russia, so visibly manifested at the end of the KHV. In our opinion, it is necessary to look exactly at the events of the 50’s and 70’s that took place in Galicia. Vnutriobschinnye relations in the events of 1187 – 1189 years 

 “Cathedral” 1187 and the all-Russian practice of such events. – About the composition of participants of the Old Russian veche. – “Galician men” and Prince Volodymyr Yarosda-vich. – The first appearance on the Galician table Hungarian Queen: conquest or voluntary agreement? – Once again about the boyar “parties” and the role of the boyars in the relations of the veche community with the princes. – Causes of failure of Queen Andrew: inter-party struggle or performance of the entire community? – Concluding remarks. 

 In our peripetias of the 50’s and 70’s of the XII century. The growing independence of Galicians in pursuit of their political interests, as evidenced by the mature internal organization and consolidation of the community, expressed itself in full voice in the future. Of particular interest in the communication are the events of 1187 – 1189 years. Our appeal to them is conditioned by the fact that in the chronicler’s story, he kept numerous details and circumstances of what is happening, borrowed directly from the Galician monastery953, reveals the important aspects of intra-social relations of the second half of the XII century. That gives the subject considered the special significance. 

 Feeling a close death, the Galician prince Jaroslav Osmomysh called “his conscience and all the Galichkoyu land, and the same people and the whole assembly, and the masters, and the poor, and the villagers, and Houdia and tacos glaglas, crying, to all:” Fathers and brothers , and sons, this is the way I leave the light of this soouetnago and ido to the creation of my own. And srehishih ‘more than all’, as well as others, nobody sins, fathers (and) brothers, pardon and give! “And the tears are crying for three days in front of all the assembly and before these men, the people have commanded their property to be devastated and naschim ‘… And this is why they say: “Ce az,” one wayman of his year Walking along the way, he held the whole of the Hai-lychee land, and I command my Olga’s place, my son’s little son, and I give Volodimerev Przemysl. ” And, the oryad’yu, and lead Volodymer to the cross and the monk Galicka for seven, as he was not looking for an emo, 

 Before us, in general, quite a typical situation: the prince wants to convey his table to his beloved son bypassing other applicants and should, as required by the tradition, which began with the middle of the XII century. rule, get agreement with the community955. However, the measures taken for this by Yaroslav, look rather unconventional. In order to better locate the Galician to the son of Nastashi who is hated by all Nastas, the prince is not limited to convening an ordinary permafrost meeting, but he is satisfied with a special event in which, along with the “Galician men”, the clergy involved the black (“monastery”) and the white (“assembly”), and even beggars. 

 Historians have repeatedly pointed to the special nature of this collection, both in the composition of the participants, and because of the cause956. V.T. Pashuto calls it “a cathedral” and begins counting the existence of this institution in Russia957. It should be noted that for the full use of the specified term does not get the actual grounds: in the chronicle the term “cathedral” appears to denote the representatives of the clergy958. In addition, one can not agree with the statement of Tor Tor, that the “cathedral” had the character of a “class assembly” and was generated by the desire of the prince “to reinforce his actions with the support of various groups of the ruling state” 959, because the source says that the prince summoned “and the poor, and Sylvia, and Houdia “*. Nevertheless, the use of this term makes it possible to distinguish between the traditional evening duties from those sometimes arranged by the princes since the end of the XII century. Often, 

 You can cite several cases of this kind. In 1211 Volodymyr-Suzdal prince Vsevolod the Great Nest, wishing to hand over the princely table to his younger son Yuri, bypassing the elder Constantine, “convene all his boyars from cities and towns, Bishop John and Abbot, and the priest, and merchant, and nobles, and All people, and so to his son Jurje Volodymer for yourself. And the waters of all to the cross, and the kissing of all Lidia on Jurassic. “960 This historian’s collection paid heightened attention. Back in the XIX century he began to be distinguished from the usual church, calling it a “cathedral” 961. In Soviet historiography, this “cathedral” received a new assessment: it was perceived as a caste-representative body under the prince, which dates from about the second half of the 12th century. and resembles the later Zemsky Sobor; the new body of the representative office was the opposite of the old age structure and thus contributed to its disappearance962. 

 We can not agree with identifying the events of 1211 with the usual gathering of the ancestors. Even those researchers who argued the veche nature of this collection, recognized the presence of some of its distinctive features in it, in particular, the broader than usual composition of participants.964. We think that the measure should be considered taking into account the all-Russian political practice. Indeed, if we try to expand the number of testimonies relating to similar events, it can be noted that in addition to the traditional for the parties, “men” or “people” are comprised of representatives of different levels of the clergy, princely warriors, and Also, the broader composition of the Zemstvo forces – “all people”, “the whole side”, “from small to large”, and so on. In 1180, the Prince of Chernigov, Sviatoslav Vsevolodovich, addressed the question of the war with Kyiv and Smolensk, “calling all his sons and his mogul brother, and all over the Chernihiv side, and drozhinou his and the beginning of the doumat” 965. In 1287 Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Mstislav Danilovich, “convened a boyar of his Volodymyrsky brother, both the mosque and the Rossians, and the Germans, and commanded all the honor of the brothers to pay tribute to the land and all the cities,” and to the city of Volodymyr. And you’ll go away from small to great “966. The prince’s appearance to the participants of such gatherings looks unusual. Present Galicians Yaroslav Osmomysl congratulates: “Fathers, and brothers, and sons!” While the prince addresses to the participants of the usual feast: “Brothers!” 967. In 1287 Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Mstislav Danilovich, “convened a boyar of his Volodymyrsky brother, both the mosque and the Rossians, and the Germans, and commanded all the honor of the brothers to pay tribute to the land and all the cities,” and to the city of Volodymyr. And you’ll go away from small to great “966. The prince’s appearance to the participants of such gatherings looks unusual. Present Galicians Yaroslav Osmomysl congratulates: “Fathers, and brothers, and sons!” While the prince addresses to the participants of the usual feast: “Brothers!” 967. In 1287 Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Mstislav Danilovich, “convened a boyar of his Volodymyrsky brother, both the mosque and the Rossians, and the Germans, and commanded all the honor of the brothers to pay tribute to the land and all the cities,” and to the city of Volodymyr. And you’ll go away from small to great “966. The prince’s appearance to the participants of such gatherings looks unusual. Present Galicians Yaroslav Osmomysl congratulates: “Fathers, and brothers, and sons!” While the prince addresses to the participants of the usual feast: “Brothers!” 967. 

 For three days, the prince “hurried” before these meetings and at the same time handed out his property to the poor and the monasteries, thereby carrying out the appropriate cases of ritual dejstvija968, which were perceived always with great approval by society. But all this is only a prelude to the main event, which followed immediately after the end of the princely repentance and distribution. The circle of its members is narrowed considerably, only “Galician men” (or “their husbands” of the Galician prince) remain in it 969, one of them addressed the further words of the prince, with whom he “government”, with whom he took the oath. 

 To understand the essence of what is going on it is necessary to find out the meaning of the chronicle term “Galician men” in relation to this episode. Most researchers in one voice say that the dying Jaroslav had to deal with boyars970. However, such an understanding contradicts the general semantic meaning of the term “husband”, which was used (except when the term “man” is accompanied by the predicate “prince”) to denote a free man in general971, in addition, it absolutely does not bind to the other circumstances of the episode under consideration . First, the question of the inheritance of the princely table could only be solved on the veche – an inviolable rule acted in Old Russian volosts throughout the pre-Mongolian period972, and Galich in this sense was not and could not be ignited. Second, if we recognize in the “Galician men” only boyars, then it will turn out, 

 Such selectivity in itself looks more than strange, and, moreover, it is clearly stated in the chronicles that the prince summoned “all the Galichkoyu land.” 

 Thus, in our opinion, the Galician prince Jaroslaw Osmomisl, with the aim of ensuring the transfer of the princely table to his beloved son, Oleg organized and conducted not one but two events, each of which, thus, had a political meaning974. First we, after V.T. Pashuto, will be conditionally called “the cathedral”, the second was traditional, obligatory in such cases, the veche. The “council”, of course, was not entitled to make decisions on succession, since this is the exclusive prerogative of the Chamber, but repentance and generous distribution of the prince, it seems, should have had an appropriate influence on the mindset of those of his participants, whom, after some time, had to be solved the fate of the princely table on the veche. *


 One way or another, the arguments made give the key to understanding the meaning of the term “Galician men” in relation to events 1187 These are age people, people who had the right to attend the veche and participate in his decisions. 

 Speaking about the participants of the assembly, the chronicler uses extremely general terms and expressions: “people”, “grazhaneh”, “people”, “men” or depending on the place of assembly – the city, the land – “Kievan”, “Novgorod”, “Volodymyrtsi” , “Galicians”, “Smolnyane”, or “Kiev men (people)”, “Galician men”, etc. Similar terminology, which testifies to the democratic nature of the Old Russian veche, the direct and direct participation in it of the broad strata of the population of the cities of the Ancient Russia , needs to be deciphered in the part relating to the definition of some ha akternyh vichnykiv ancient features that distinguish them from the rest mass of free people. 

 In a number of cases, when the announcement of the chronicles about the activities of the assembly is quite solid and complete, we see that the members of the Chamber take decisions that affect not only their own, but also their children who are not present at the meeting. Moreover, from these indications it follows that it is not about minors, but about entirely adults who are able to carry weapons and participate in hostilities on a par with their parents. 

 So, in 1147, the Kyivites say in the veche of their prince Izyaslav Mstislavich, who calls them to campaign against Yuri Dolgoruky: “Princess! You are on our side “do not get angry, that we can not” on Volodymyr, the tribe of hands v’zniti, ohya Olgovich though with the child “976. Another example: sat in Kursk Mstislav Izyaslavich, having learned that against him are Gleb Yevrievich and Svyatoslav Olgovich, told about it to the chickens and heard in response. “I am going to Olgovich for the sake of beating and bringing children, and on Volodymyr’s tribe, on Gürgavich, that we can not” pose a hand “. 977. In 1159, the deprivation of the princely table Rogvolod Borisovich decided himself to get himself a parish and turned to printans, offering their candidacy to the local princely table. The princes responded with joy to this: “GIoedi, the prince who does not cook, for the sake of your being. Let’s go and let the baby beat for hers 

 We should not think that we are only rhetorical turnover, hyperbole, which has nothing to do with reality, that, declaring their readiness to go to war with the children, the townspeople expressed no real intention, but only threw nothing to what they did not ” tries the phrase. Facts show that the eternal people not only promise to fight for the prince with their children, but also fulfill this promise when the term comes to him. Starting a war with Ol’govichy, Kyiv prince Izyaslav Mstislavovich reminds the Kyivan Party of a promise to support him in this war. Saying: “coming from small to great!” The Kyivites answered: “For the sake of … we go” along with you and with your child, as if you are eating. ” 

 The fact that the participation of “children” in hostilities along with “husbands” is not a fiction but a reality, as evidenced by the Novgorod news of the events of 1218: Indignated by the behavior of the landowner of Tverdislav and Prince Svyatoslav “poddosha Onipolovitsy and childhood Vb breneh”, Akya on the arm, and also the Irrevulent “, after which between” Onipovtsami “and” Irrevilny “, on the one hand, and inhabitants of the Man of the end and Prussia- 

 ww oq 

 On the other hand, there were “townspeople in the gate” 

 The “men” present at the veche take decisions for their “children” and other issues of importance to the community, in particular, when the community concludes a treaty with the prince and brings the parties with mutual oath. So, in 1146, according to the decision of the Chamber, which approved the terms of the treaty with the new prince Igor Olgovich, “whole-yours, Kiyane’s cross” and with the child, when the pseudo-pseudo-pseudo-pomegranate will flourish, will be raised by Svyatoslav. “979. 

 The facts mentioned above call us to refer to the scientific data on the procedures that operate in the field of family relations and, above all, on the form of family organization in Ancient Russia. Numerous evidence of written sources XI – CP of Art. speak about the existence of large family groups consisting of at least three generations of closest relatives. The great family or one of its transitional forms is a divided family in which, until the death of his father, the adult sons lived together with their parents, – the visually visible and full-fledged manifests itself in the monuments of the era, both at the level of intra-family relations, and in relationships with an external measure of 980. At the same time, the legal status of children in the Old Russian family is characterized by a high degree of dependence on parents, all of them from parents. This dependence extends not only to the property status of children, 

 According to modern ethnographic data, the acquisition of civil rights, including the right to participate personally in the activities of public administration bodies (for example, the tribal council) in many nations of the world, did not depend on physical aging for young men, but arose as a result of achieving a certain social status that Is married to marriage or special initiation. This custom goes back to the system of age classes – social-age divisions, which united individuals of a certain age, which met a certain level of social responsibilities and rights. The system of age classes, according to modern scholars, in one form or another “existed once in all the agricultural and pastoral worlds of the world, from the era of primitiveness and to the time of early statehood inclusive” 

 Such a system undoubtedly existed among the Slavs. Its traces were fixed in the language, as evidenced by the data of linguistic analysis. Thus, in all Slavic languages, the main meaning of the term “man” is a man, a married man, a man of adulthood, and in a number of cases a warrior and a citizen are added to him in addition to a number of cases.983 At the same time, the word “boy” is used to convey the concept of teenage boy (older than adolescent, young man, minor), formed from the root-speech / speech with the help of a negative constituent from- that is etymologically associated with the concept does not speak in the sense of “has no language, the right to vote in the life of a family or a tribe” 984. 

 The incompleteness of civil rights, which is associated with the restriction of the right to participate in the activities of the assembly, was also characteristic of certain categories of free population of the cities of the Ancient Russia, regardless of family or age status. The above-mentioned episode 1187 in Galich, presented above, provides a unique material for solving this issue. From the invited prince of many people in the Chamber there are only those who have full civil rights. Such chronicler calls “Galician men” – only with them the prince negotiated the fate of the Galician table, with whom he “government”, they “led to the cross”. From the circle of the attendants of the Chamber, first of all, falls to the clergy: ordinary clerics from among the white and black clergy belonged to church administrative and political organizations, led by the episcopate ‘0; only church hierarchs could participate in the work of the assembly meetings. Outside the veche there are those whom the chronicler calls “beggars” and “thin”, despite the fact that they form an integral part of the free population of the earth and are included in the concept of “all Galicia land.” 

 As a result, we have grounds that allow us to clarify and specify the meaning of the chronicle term “Galician men”, as well as “husbands” in general. One can not agree with the widespread belief that such are merely boyars, but also can not be identified with the free population in general, since not every person free of inhabitants of the cities-states of Ancient Russia was a full citizen and could take part in the assembly of congregations. Such a right was used only by the heads of large families, housewives and individuals who reached a certain socio-legal status, emerged from the state of “children”. In addition, from the circle of eternity excluded ordinary clergy, as well as beggars living alms. *


 “Galician men” remain the main participants in all subsequent events. “After death, Yaroslavl, – read in the chronicles, – a bunch of insurrection alleys in Galichkoy land. And I supposed that Mo’zhi Galichki and Volodimer ‘will stop the crucifixion kissing and the vignachelle Olga from Galich’ ^ 7. If we proceed from the use in the text of the text of the term “think out”, which is typical of the ancient chroniclers of the method of transmitting information about the decisions of the parents, as well as the subject of the decision that was then taken at that time – the expulsion of the prince – then we are faced with the fact of the new assembly of the assembly, and its participants are all the same “Galician men”. At the same time, it is interpreted by the chronicler as “a rebellion in the Galichkoy land”, that is, the movement that encompassed all the Halychian land. Hence, the decision taken by the “men” extended to all the inhabitants of the earth, including those 

 Overthrown by Galicians, Oleg Nastaschiich initially went for help to the Prince of Kiev, Rurik Rostislavich: “And Oleg fled Ottoudow at Vrouchii to Rurikov”. 985. The author of the later Gustin chronicle (XVII century) speaks about the fate of the prince with reference to Polish sources. : Oleg “will go to Lyakhi to Casimir to the king, asking him to help him in reigning, promising him to all, like his king and father, to obey the obedient” 4. After defeating Vladimir and Galicians, Kazymyr “posts” Oleg in Galich, but the residents, “to not so much love him”, still got rid of such a prince, “Evil him poison”. Only after this, according to a source, Galicians “call themselves to the prince” of Roman Mstislavich986. 

 As the MS Hrushevsky showed, the story of the Gostin Chronicle is the result of a subsequent processing of reports from a number of Polish sources about the Casimir Fair in the Russian city of Bereistye, ascending to the Chronicle of Masters Vincentiya Kadlubka and the Wielkopolska Chronicle987. Among historians, there is no consensus on the time of this event and its main participants with the Russian side988, since the Polish chronicles do not contain clear indications989 on this score, and the Russian chronicles (with the exception of the Polish data of Gustinsky) do not know anything about such a campaign at all. However, this news is accepted by researchers as deserving of trust990. For us, it is valuable as an illustration of the growing political independence of the veche community of Galich in relations with the princes; to reach their goal Galician residents do not stop even before using extreme means, 

 Meanwhile, the internal situation in Galich previously remained restless. The choice of “Galician men” in favor of Vladimir Yaro-Slavich was not quite successful, and therefore his reign in Galicia did not last long. A year later, it turned out that “Mukhali Galichenko is not good to lynch up with his prince”. 991. The reasons for this, according to the chronicle, were several: Vladimir was “kind” to the multi-homo drink, and Dove does not love his mozhmi, and singing ou pop Gennoy and put your wife Zhen … “, besides, the prince was guilty that he,” where you olyubiv “Wife or whose daughter, smear violence.” 992. 

 Researchers rightly point out that the main among the accusations listed was the neglect of the “duma” with “their husbands”. 993 * At the same time, “dumts” – “men” of this episode are considered to be among the “Zemsky” Galician boyars994. They are, of course, also parties to the “rebellion”, like the rest of the “Galician men”, but not completely lost in their total mass. Thus, according to VN Tatishcheva, he draws them from a not-for-nothing source of information to us995, the messengers of the “public council” of Galicia say to Vladimir: “Princess, all the great men and people of Galicia sent us …” 996. About the role of the nobility in the considered events testifies and the main accusation brought by the Galician men to his prince, initiated, apparently, by the boyars, is accusations of neglect by the boyar duma. Such a situation harms the interests of the community as a whole, undermines the normal functioning of its governing structures, violates the relationship of the community with its prince997. Boyardism, as it happened in other similar cases, stands in the vanguard of the community. And even if it secretly pursues at the same time some kind of its narrow corporate selfish interest999, but objectively it protects and defends the interests of the entire community. 

 A new turn of events is connected with the involvement of the neighboring Volyn community in their orbit. Volodymyr-Volyn prince Roman Mstislavich first issues a daughter for the eldest son of the Galician prince, and then, after learning about the troubles in the Galician land, begins “Slaty without fearing for the monk Galichkim, podtitykaya them to his prince, and his bisha-vnya from ‘Ochytsya your own, and the most bisha came to reign’ 1000. In the actions of Roman is a persistent desire to one way or another to master the Galician table. According to Polish sources, he even asked for help from his relative to the Malopolska Prince Casimir the Just, and this assistance was provided to him by 1001. It is believed that the Volyn community did not remain indifferent to the aspirations of its prince, since Galich was once a “suburb” of Volodymyr, 

 The actions of the Roman were crowned with success: “And you, Galichki, with the light of the Romanovs,” shaken up his regiments and strengthened his armor, and rose up to his prince. And do not laugh at his isimat, nor will it be forbidden to do anything in Dumene, for example, because of the fact that the priest is “Volodymer-i-wi”. 00. The above text once again testifies to the “Galician men” as the participants of the assembly assembly, since the question of the exile and the replacement of one prince by another was in the exclusive competence of the party 1005. The fact that the Galician people intended to dismiss Volodymyr and replace him with another prince, we learn from the words of VN Tatishchev, complement the story of the Epiphany chronicle: the messengers of the “public council” say to Vladimir that he as wished the deceased Yaroslav Osmomysl, “without shedding blood went to my Przemysl “1006. 

 It should not be assumed that the decision of the meeting on the expulsion of Vladimir was not obligatory for all Galicians, that there existed a certain party of supporters (“friends”) of Volodymyr, whose members would not extend this decision, and that the Galician community, thus, was split on two opposing camps, as a result of which, as MS Hrushevsky wrote, “Vladimirov’s enemies did not dare to open an uprising” 1007 ‘. Sources do not give grounds for judgments of this kind. On the contrary, they clearly show that “Galician men” unanimously decided to accept the “council” of the Volyn prince Roman, that is, they agreed to take him to his reign, driving the former Prince Vladimir. And nobody could prevent it, and, judging by the chronicles, did not try. 

 The differences among the Galician people concerned only whether to take them into custody (“izmitate”), lost his life in Prince Vladimir, or even killed, or confined simply to expulsion. They chose the latter, and this decision of the evening became obligatory for all Galicians, including those who held the opposite opinion. Thus, according to VN Tatishchev, “the villains of him (Vladimira – AM), although they knew enough and could catch him, but avoiding confusion, were satisfied with his departure” 1008. As for the statement of the chronicle “Since it is possible to do that in the Domen”, then, as follows from the construction of the text of the source itself, this does not relate to the intention of the Galician to overthrow Volodymyr, but explains the reason why they did not resort to tougher sanctions against the prince. 

 It remains to try to answer, who were those “friends” of Volodymyr, who were afraid Galician? The two circumstances seem to allow us to come closer to resolving this issue. The fact that Volodymyr’s “friends” in the source are opposed to the “Galician men”, the participants of the meeting, and the fact that, contrary to the custom, none of the “Galician men” divided the fate of the disgraced prince, suggests that the prince’s “friends” were at the moment Only his own druzhinniki, because only one wife accompanied the prince and his family, leaving Galich 1009. All the other “friends”, if they were the prince, left him, obeying the veto sentence. 

 Of interest is the testimony of the source that “Galician men” rebel against the prince, “sovookupivsheh regiments of their own.” Historians have long interpreted this place as the collection of the boyars of their regiments against the prince, seeing in this proof of the omnipotence of the Galician nobility and perceiving the speech of the community against Prince Vladimir only as a boyar conspiracy: “Probably – wrote, for example, V. O. Klyuchevskii – as regional governors , they (Galician boyars – AM) had “their” regiments with which they rebelled against the princes “1010. According to our conviction, in the annotated chronicle it is not 

 about the boyars, more precisely, not about the boyars alone, because the decision on the protest against the prince was taken by the Chamber, and the term “Galician men”, as shown above, implies just the participants of the assembly assembly, all without exception, and equally applies to the boyars , and to the ordinary “men”. In our understanding, the general meaning of this news is as follows: the Galician “men”, in accordance with the decision of the evening of 1011, assembled in the militia to oppose the prince. 

 About the strength and autonomy of the Galician militia, guided by their own independent from the prince’s commanders, we have a lot of expressive testimony eschnikov1012. It is no coincidence that in the annals obituary devoted to Yaroslav Osmomysl, it is said that the prince himself did not go with the regiments, but sent the governor1013. Probably organized and highly trained in military terms was the performance of the Galician against the prince in 1170, which can be judged by its results: the prince was captured and taken into custody, and his “friends” overcome 1014. Finally, the word “regiment” in the Old Russian language meant, first of all, the army and was used by the chroniclers to designate the people’s militia in contrast to the prince’s friendship1015. There is no need to attribute to this word at all its characteristic of the value of some boyar regiments, seeing them some third force, 

 As a result, we conclude that the “Galician men” – the members of the Vichee – are at the same time participants of the people’s militia, the troops. That’s how the chronicler himself writes himself, saying: “And you, Galichki, having received the light of the Romanovs,” he scolds his regiments and overpowered the cross, and rose up to his prince. ” The same “Galician men” first converge on the veche, where they decide to replace the prince who disagrees with them, then they assemble into the militia and begin to act, fulfilling the adopted resolution of 1016. Therefore, the Chamber, if necessary, could be arranged directly during the campaign, and the participants of the Victory became the soldiers who took part in the campaign in 1017. *

 1018 * 

 Volodymyr overthrown by Galicia was not going to admit defeat. He hurried to help the Hungarian king, and he “with all the regiments” went to Galich. The novel, “not a miracle mira protivo emo”, escaped from the city. “The king,” continues the chronicler. – Do not plant in the Germ (in Galich – AM) Volodymyr, but Dadi all the outfit for Gapicans’ and post in the Germans his son Andrew. And Volodymer singing with herself under the Ogrey again … “1019. The story of the Hypatian Chronicle is confirmed by the data of the Chronicle of Vincentzi Kadlubka, who was a contemporary of the described events: exiled Volodymyr “begs Hungarian king Bela to help him return. The King [Bella] immediately not so much because of the condolences to the exiled, how much in the hope of seizing the kingdom of the kingdom put away the king [Romana], takes the kingdom, planting [his] son; Exile, so that he does not interfere, zv ‘ 

 Some Hungarian writers attributed the actions of the Hungarian king to his decision “to simply connect the Galician land to the Hungarian kingdom” 1021. With this, one can not agree how one can not agree with the idea that his son’s speech in Galich provoked the indignation of the townspeople1022. The appearance on the galician table of the Hungarian queen does not at all indicate the loss of Galicia’s independence, just as one can not say about the subordination of Galicia to the neighboring Volhynia after the appearance on the galician table of Volodymyr-Volyn prince Roman. Before you go to Halych, Roman, probably, at the request of the Galician community, forever denied the Vladimir table: “… we do not even have the power of Volodymyr” 1023. As for the Hungarian king, whatever his plans were for Galich, he could not but rely on the political and military power of the Galician community. 

 Before planting in Galich his son, the king “Dadi all on-line” Galicans. ” What lies behind this mysterious source phrase? The main meaning of the expression “outfit” in the Old Russian language is: “Order, device, law and order; organization “8 (| With this meaning, the word is used in the annals, from the very earliest news of the vocation of the Varangian princes and their activities in the development of the n land.81 A distinctive feature of the chronicle messages, which refer to” clothing “, is their general semantic orientation : “The outfit” is usually set by the prince and relates to the whole “earth” or “people.” “Our land is large and upholstered, and the dress is in it,” the ambassadors of the North Russian tribes said to the Varangians. “Oleg horses set the city, and tribute to the statute, and all aryad statute Russian land “83.” And this outfit ‘ 

 As we see, the establishment of “outfit” or lack of such – is a problem of public importance, which affects the common interests of various categories of the population, the community as a whole. Therefore, we can not agree with those researchers who argue that the setting up of the Hungarian king in Galic only concerned the boyars. “The administration gave the Galician boyars,” – so qualified the actions of King M. Hrushevsky86. “Hungarian King Andrew captured Galicia, instructed the management of the boyars”, – read in I.P.Kripyakevich87. Even less thoroughly is the interpretation of V. T. Pashuto: the Hungarian king, capturing Halych, “gave” all the outfit “in the management of those boyars, 

 who released hostages to Hungary “**. 

 In our opinion, “all the outfit”, which the chronicler says, was intended for the entire Galician community. This is also indicated by the term “Galicians”, which is much broader than “Galician boyars”, and, as we have seen, relates to the widest sections of the free population. Before planting his son Galich, King Bela establishes peace and order, which was to find expression in the treaty with the entire veche obschynoy1024. Similarly, Russian princes, who sought the location of the community, do the same. In the passage of the Moscow chronicle, which we have already quoted, it is stated that Prince Mikhalko “created the people with all the outfits, and approved the cross” kissing “with a no- 


 MI “. 

 The above-mentioned characterizes the Hungarian ruler and his son, not as conquerors, but Galicians, not as an enslaved mass. The local community has completely preserved its political power and significance, which is also confirmed by the following events. Consequently, the Hungarian king could take Galician table with no force of arms, breaking the resistance of the townspeople, and with mutual agreement, which was based on some sort of arrangement, satisfied the community. The words of the source that the king Bela “Dadi all the outfit Galicans” can be seen as evidence of the provision of the Galician community and its leaders – the boyars – some broader political rights in comparison with the previously existing practice. 

 The choice of Galicians does not seem strange, given their negative attitude at the time to Vladimir Yaroslavich, who had just been expelled from the city and now tried to return the princely table with the help of foreigners. On the general negative attitude of the Galician to Vladimir, one can be judged by the words of VN Tatishchev by the words of King Beli, who accused Volodymyr that he “was driving him (on Galich A. M.) consoled …” 1025. This, in our opinion, it was caused by the lack of sympathy for Galician among Galician, without which it was difficult to achieve a Galician table for him. At the same time, the terms of the agreement with Queen Andrew, apparently, were for Galician preferential terms of the contract with Volyn prince Roman, which also had little to influence the choice of community. That is why it does not contradict the actual course of the events of the message of V. N. Tatishchev,


 But back to the circumstances of appearance at the princely table in Halych Hungarian Queen. The approaching Hungarian regiments must be thought to have caused some change in the mood of the Galician people and contributed to the emergence among them of “friends” of Vladimir, as can be judged by VN Tatishcheva, which explains the reason for escaping from Halych Roman Mstislavovich: “Roman, having heard, that the king goes with Vladimir, and knowing that in Galichans esche Volodymyr’s many friends, not dare to wait for her, but got hold of all her people “1027. It is not necessary to exaggerate the role of these “friends”: they only managed to frighten Roman, who now did not dare to rely on the support of the Galician, but they could not and probably did not really try to do to restore his prince to the galician table. 

 All of this, in our opinion, is explained by the fact that the appearance of the named “friends” was not due to the activity of any permanent “party of supporters of Vladimir” 1028, or the “patriotic party” that was held by the princes of the Rostislavich dynasty1029 and collected under the banners of the Galician, but it was a manifestation of the immediate reaction of the community to fluctuations in the political situation. Every full member of the community had the right personally to take any political decisions concerning the entire community, 1030, but if they could arise and exist, only in short intervals from one parental decision to another. 

 Roman Mstislavich, though he fled from Galich, did not think to stop the struggle for him. At the same time, he, like Vladimir Yaroslavovich, made a bet on outside help, and not in support of ephemeral Galician “friends”. The novel immediately went to Volyn, but here he was awed by an unpleasant surprise: “shutting him from Vladimir Vsevolod) 1031. It is clear that Vsevolod, who spoke against his elder brother, supported the population of Volodymyr, the local city community on 1032. The reason why Vladimir did not want to deal with Roman, most likely, was that, having left Vladimir, he caused a heavy image of the community – he changed his “take away the grandfather’s table” to Halych, the former “suburbs” of Vladimir in 1033. Having received the refusal of the Vladimirites, Roman “went to Lyakh”, but here he was waiting for a failure, and then he “thinks to Ryur-Rykov before his return to Belgorod”, where, 

 It deserves serious attention to the annals of the Chronicle that along with Roman Galich ran “Galicians”. In the future, the source explains that these were “men”, “who, too, were introduced to him in Galich” and “Galichians”, that is, their wives | 0]. Consequently, these “men” fled from Galich with their families. These people can hardly be called the Roman party in the sense in which this expression is usually used by historians, otherwise they will have to admit that their wives and children were standing in this party along with the “Galician men”. 

 What caused the escape of these people from Galych? It is clear that this is the cause of the political property. But, it seems to us, it is not due to the struggle of different groups within the community, but due to the community’s reaction to the actions of its individual members, which has led to undesirable consequences for the entire community. Punishing such people, the community assumed all responsibility for these consequences and sought to overcome them in such a way. 

 Here are some typical examples. Thus, in 1098 Prince Vasil’ko and Volodar Rostislavichi besieged Volodymyr-Volynsky to take revenge on his inhabitants for blindness of Vasilko, but they were satisfied with the extradition of those who were recognized as the main perpetrators of the incident1035. The researchers noted that the published Volodymyrtsi Lazar and Vasily paid for Volyn prince David Ihorevicha1036. However, the crime against Vasilko was also involved and the Volodymyr community in the face of some of its prominent members, and that Basil and Lazar were released to the massacre, apparently, were influential representatives of the Volodymyr oblast1114. 

 In 1176 Suzdaldi, trying to satisfy Vladimir prince Mi-halk, who won the battle over the former Suzdal prince Mstislav, for which they had just fought against Vladimir, claim their innocence, placing all responsibility on their boyars: “then, send Mikhalkov to Prince Suzhalka , “We did not have a prince on the shelf” with Mstislav, but they were with him a boy, but we do not hold on us the calamity of the heart, but we will go to us “” 1037. Of course, in this news we are not talking about all the Suzdal boyars, but only those of them who most actively opposed Michalka1038. 

 In 1146, after the entrance of the new Prince Izyaslav Mstislavovich to Kiev, “the nobles of many isoimash-Danylo Velikogo and Hurgeev Prokopchy, Ivoir Gyurgevich, Miroslavl Vnukou, and Inh izoyasha many in the city of Kiev, and the tacos of those on the Isoku Poustysha” 1039 The community here punishes those of his boyars, who are responsible for accepting the people of Kiev to the princely table of Igor Olgovich, who failed to please the community. In 1137 from Novgorod, after the fallen and expelled prince Vsevolod Mstislavich, “fled” the landowner of the Novgorod Constantine, “and the good husband is not certain”, but after “Prince Prince Mstislavet Vsevolod Plskov, although he would sit again on the table for his Novogorod , called VGAI Novgorod and Pskov men, his friends “, Novgorod subjected” friends “Vsevolod to new sanctions – exile and plunder 1040. 

 It is important to emphasize that in all of these cases, the whole community, and not some part of it, or a separate group, acts as the perpetrators of one or another failure of the community, and the decision on sanctions against them is the result of the popular expression of will, expressed, judging On the whole, in the Chamber, in any case, such persons are accused and punished by the name of the entire community – Novgorod, Suzdal, Volodymyrtsy, and Kyivites. In addition, these examples show that the responsibility for community actions lies not with its ordinary members, but; mainly on prominent public figures – the boyars and “good men”, and this responsibility is shared with them by members of their families, about which, in addition to news about the events in Galich, can be judged by the testimony of the Novgorod chronicler about the measures taken against the boyars, who advocated, contrary to the will of the majority, for Prince Vsevolod: 

 Thus, in the escape of the Galician, the “friends” of Roman, we see a manifestation of the responsibility of the nobility in front of their community of those Galician boyars, for the fault of which she was thrown into the abyss of heavy and austere1043. The existence of the institution of the responsibility of the nobility to its community and the sanctions imposed on the perpetrators clearly did not contribute to the emergence in its environment of permanent parties among the supporters of a particular prince, dynasties, etc., consistently conducted their line. The fate of the prince, and at the same time and his “friends” was solved by the whole community through the direct participation of each full member. The collision of individual boyars through prestigious and profitable positions, especially characteristic of the domestic political life of the Novgorod community, as I. Ya. Froyanov showed, “took place with the active participation of the masses, ultimately decisive in the result of these collisions” 1044. *


 The situation of Queen Andrew in Galich at the beginning was quite strong: “Galician men” gave him full support and, apparently, did not want another prince for himself. So, when Roman Mstislavich tried to return Galich with the help of the Kievan prince, he met a friendly repulse of Hungarians and Galicians. He managed to approach only the borderline Plesnescu, but the inhabitants “shut up”, and meanwhile the main forces – “Ougre g and Galicians” – attacked the warriors of Romagan from the rear, “inhex” and Izmash, and friends of the Utokos “1045. In the end, it’s not necessary – Left-hand seeker of the Galician table had to abandon his plans1046. 

 You should not think that the Galician people support the new government. “G was due only to the fact that his father, the king Bela Sh, leaving Galich, took with him hostages – sons and brothers of some” Galician men “, as we shall learn from the subsequent words of the chronicle of the differences that arose among the townspeople: “Do not worry, Galic will not be under the odinoi opinion, but they will have sons and brothers of the king, then you hold on to the king” 1047. 

 There is nothing in this action that would violate the sovereignty of the Galician community and, moreover, testified to the subordination of Galicia to Hungary. A similar practice existed in Russia: the princes, who sent their younger relatives to reign in foreign lands at the request of local communities, received from them as guarantors of the compliance with the agreement of the “thaws” – hostages. So, in 1139 Novgorod sent to Kyiv prince Vsevolod Olgovich “his children in the waist, the” Pust to us Svyatoslav “. And the ambassador to them to reign Svyatoslav “1048. And in the next 1140, when the Novgorodians rebelled against Svyatoslav Ol’govich, Vsevolod decided to send his son to them, but first he sent to the Novgorod ambassador, “asking for the same” moush lepshich “1049. These facts relate to an era that began after the events of 1136, when the remains of the Kyiv authorities over Novgorod were eliminated. Consequently, 

 Further, the provision of hostages is carried out on the basis of the contract and with the mutual consent of the parties: Novgorod sent for Svyatoslav, “measures” more than a mouth “1051, and the Galician are taken by the Queen Andrew, having received from him” all the outfit. ” Finally, the provision of hostages is not an insurmountable obstacle to the community on the way to expulsion or refusal to support the prince who did not want her: this was in Novgorod in the case of Svyatoslav Ol’govich, and then with Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich, the same happened in Galich in the case of King Andriy. 

 Hostages, an imaginary community, became boyars, “brave men” or their children; It is difficult to allow the opposing party to be satisfied in such cases by ordinary members of the community. The hostages were personally responsible for violating the obligations of the guarantors of the community. So, when Vsevolod Ol’govich learned about the uprising of Novgorod against his brother, something “not Pust his son, Svyatoslav, nor the Mojazhi and Novgorod,” or else he would have called “to himself”, and then, adding to them the participants of the Novgorod embassy, ​​headed by the bishop, “Holding your winter and summer as well” 1052. 

 Despite the initial successes, the reign of Andrew in Galich was short-lived. The reason, as we see, is not his foreign origin, although this circumstance also played a role1053. In order to stay on the galician table, Andriy, as well as any other prince, needed constant support of the community. Using this support in the first months of his reign, he then completely lost it, which immediately led to a conflict with the Galicians, secretly call on the galician table a son of the popular Ivan Martynnits Rostislav: “The same summer sent Galichkii monaschi to Rostislavov to Berladnichichy, zovooushe him in Galich to the reign “1054. 

 The reason for the dissatisfaction of the Galician Andriy and attempts to replace him with the “Russian prince” clearly appears in the story of the chronicle, directly to the previous announcement of the vocation of Rostislav: “In the summer of 6697 (1189). The king came to Svyatoslavl, the Tak River: “Brother, my son came to me, why did you promise to die”, then you will do as you kissed your cross “. Svyatoslav, Outatsya Rurik, ooooo-thras, creative, as Dudyan, Emo Galich, and his son-in-law Ambassador Gleb to the Queen “1055. This eloquent fact at one time drew the attention of D. I. Zubrytsky, it is reasonable to assume existence 

 289 between the King of Belaya and the Kievan prince Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich, a secret conspiracy and some sort of political commitment of the first re: the second: “By reason of all circumstances,” wrote the historian, “it can be assumed that this happened last year when he : Belaya. – AM) appropriated Galich, and that the promise was in the lead: – :; parts of Galician ownership, maybe the Principality of Peremyshlsky: or Terebovlsky “1056. 

 The reaction of the Galician community was immediate: in the resin, where “Prince David Rostislavich lived” Berladnichich “, rushed to call the ambassadors to Galich. But this reaction was too spontaneous; ‘and, apparently, not quite coherent, as the “Galician men”, as it turned out later, did not “be at all under the odinoi thought” – those whose relatives were hostage to the king, stood for the king’s situation, in Halych, the situation some historians viewed as a new outcome of the inter-party struggle. “Meanwhile,” wrote M.I. Kostomarov, “a Galician party was formed, which found a benefit session in foreign domination. There was another, which called his son: Berladnikov, Rostislav “1057. We can not agree with this thought, which has become extremely widespread in literature1058. It seems to us that the immediate response of the community was based on what was happening, as before, 

 “Galician men,” demolished with “Berladnichich”, can not be considered a bunch of conspirators detached from the mass of townspeople. In this convinced the words of the chronicle, which explain the motives of the corresponding actions of the Hungarians: “Ogry is also aware of the covetous Galichkoyu, but the Galicians seek themselves Prince Rauca …” 1059; This issue is undoubtedly a movement that has embraced the entire community or, at least, the majority of townspeople. This is also explained by the remarkable nature and extent of the measures taken by the Hungarians: King Bela sent Andriy to the aid of the Oghorsky many regiments, and Andrei himself became anew drive to the Crew Stow “” Galician men “1060. 

 Those who called Rostislav, undoubtedly acted on the basis and with consideration of the position of the majority. N. Molchanovsky rightly noticed that the calling of the son of Berladnik was carried out exactly on the basis of the liking of Galician people and aimed at raising them to fight against the “burdensome Galician regime” 1061’1. In other words, the very appearance in the city walls of the popular “Russian prince” had to mobilize the effect and dispel the doubts of those whom they still remained. Indeed, as soon as the “Berladnichncha” checkpoint was seen in Galicia, “somehow Galychka”, joined him. At that moment, however, they began to know the measures taken by the Hungarians in time: the main part of the Galician regiment remained in the camp of the Queen, and those Galicians who turned it over to Rostislav, when they saw it, immediately “stumbled out of him”, obeying bolshinnyu1062. 

 Finally, the behavior of Rostislav himself, who decided, in spite of nothing, to continue the struggle to the end, shows that, by such a sacrifice, he wanted to cause a turning point in the mood of the Galician, counting not support of any non-existent party of his supporters, completely retreating from him, and relying on to the immediate reaction of the entire community. And when the hardly injured prince was brought into the city, “Galicians, too, are shuddered, wanting and exhilarated ou V’gor” and the prince will take it into reign. ” In response, the Hungarians murdered Rost- 


 glory, “prilovosh potion is deadly to the wounds”. 

 In the same way, in our opinion, the question is solved about the existence in Halych of the “party” supporters of Queen Andrew. The chronicle explains that on the side of the queen there were only those “whose may be the new-born and the brother of the king.” Consequently, these people can not be called a party in the sense that the researchers, adherents of the idea of ​​partisanship of the Galicia people put in this concept, because these people, as it turns out from the words of the chronicle, kept the Queen in vain1063. 

 The violent murder of Rostislav ultimately spoiled the relations of the Hungarians and Galicians. The latter again secretly began to seek for themselves a new prince, as the Hungarians eventually became aware of this, which, in response to the brute force, “Ougre,” says the chronicler, “tells the glory of Galichkooyu, even though the Gapicheans will seek Prince Rauca, I want to, and the violence begun in all : and yo muzhii Galichkih ‘the beginning of the abandoned wife and daughter on the bed for herself, and in the gods’ horses put horses and burrows, another lot of violence work “1’5. 

 The settlement came after Volodymyr Yaroslavich successfully escaped from the Hungarian captivity. Details of this case have been preserved in both Polish and Russian sources, which allows a fairly complete presentation of the picture of what is happening. In the Chronicles of Vincenttia Kadlubka we read: “In the end, [Volodymyr], bribing the guard, carries out a secret escape from the prison, and only undergoes numerous deprivations, with the danger of his own unhappy life finds a life-saving harbor where he feared the moles” 1064. The Russian chronicle knows about Escape and “numerous disadvantages” of Volodymyr more. The prince escaped “from the tower of stone” with his wife (“Vluch”) and two children; the fugitives managed to go down the ropes, “cut off the tent”, put “on 


 towers “. 

 In search of a shelter and support, Volodymyr initially (spring 1189g.) Headed “to the king of Germanomou”, as the Chronicle of Emperor Frederick 1 Barbarossus (1152-1190) bs. The Russian prince was given a friendly reception, which is explained by the Kiev chronicler of his kinship with Volodymyr-Suzdal prince Vsevolod the Great Nest (Vladimir Yaroslavich fell to the last “sister”, that is, his nephew) 1065. However, there is reason to speak of the existence of the old friendly relations of Friedrich not only with Suzdal, but also with Galichem1066. In any case, the appeal of Volodymyr to help the German Emperor was not accidental. For this help, the Russian prince even promised to pay an annual tribute of 2000 hryvnia silver1067, but the emperor, preparing for another crusade1068, could not personally take part in the affairs of the exile, 

 Without the will of the emperor, it is unlikely that the Polish prince began to help Vladimir, because during the stay of Hapitskim prince the last, as Kadlubek says, “unexpectedly attacked the robbers on the land Kazimirov, and kidnapped the wives of the noble [men], took them on the right extraction to distant lands of the barbarians “1070. The court chronicler explains the assistance provided by Casimir solely by his leniency:” But since he (Vladimir – AM) is pleading with the power of the pious Casimir, he manages to achieve the indulgence to which he seemed to be unable to to go “1071. The Krakow prince gives Vladimir his palatine, Nicholas, who” throws out, although it seemed to everyone in the East impossible, the son of King [Beli] with all the magnificent and mighty congregation of the Pannonians, and the exile restored to the crown 


 Levist ” 

 The Russian chronicle confirms the fact of Polish help, saying: “Kazimir”, put it to Nemo (Vladimiro. – AM), his mikli and his ambassador to Galich “1072. However, as it turns out from the subsequent words of the chronicler, in Russia, unlike the entire Catholic “East,” did not consider the expulsion of the Hungarian Queen something incredible and did not hurry in front of his “magnificent and powerful retinue”. Without the special participation of Polish help, which, according to MS Grushevsky’s correct remark, could hardly have been significant1073, “Galichkii mouzhzhi soshosha him (Vladimira. – AM) with great joy, his prince and de- but the Queen Prognash is from his own land. And Volodimer will sit on the table of his grandfather and his father on the Savior’s day “1074. According to VN Tatishchev, some “Galician Galician” “great rewards for the sake of the king sold their homeland, thinking that such a misguided wealth for life itself and their children will have fun. But soon afterwards they themselves and the estate of the unrighteous people died “1075. The language in this news is about individual boyars who took the side of the Hungarians with mercenary motives and broke away from their community. They did not manage to shake the determination of the Galician to get rid of the hated princess and again put on his table on Vladimir Yaroslavich. To these boyars, perhaps the community assumes responsibility for accepting Andrei’s Galician table and all the subsequent consequences of this step, when the Hungarians, subjected to their brutal bullying, striving to subjugate Galician themselves. The death of the named boyars takes place against the backdrop of the general repentance of the Galician (“Galicians began to touched the Velmi and many repent, dragged their prince”) and “great joy” at the meeting returned from the captivity of Vladimir1076, 


 Thus, the analysis of the events of 1187 – 1189 years allows us to trace some of the important features of intra-community relations that developed in the middle – the second half of the XII century. At this time, Halychian princes are beginning to practice a new form of expression of popular expression of will, in order to resolve complex political issues that cause ambiguous reactions of citizens, which also received a nationwide distribution. Conditional it can be called “cathedral”, which emphasizes the wider and varied nature of the forces involved in it compared with the usual gathering of the evening. “Sobor”, of course, can not replace the veche, but nevertheless, as the veche, it acquires political significance. Summoned on the initiative of the prince, the “cathedral” contributes to the formation of a favorable public opinion for him, preparing the ground for making the right decision. It’s about to be thought, therefore, 

 The events of 1187 – 1189 give a rare opportunity to clarify the social meaning of the chronicle expression “Galician men”, as well as “husbands” in general (in relation to any other n land). They can not be seen only by the boyars, or, conversely, all without exception, the free population of ancient lands-counties. This is a special category, consisting of persons possessing civil rights, including the right to personal participation in the activities of the assembly, and thus in resolving the most important political issues of the life of the city and the earth. This category includes both boyars and simple “husbands”, which are only heads of large families, housewives. 

 An important role in internal affairs, including in the relations of the veche community with the prince belongs to the boyars. First of all, the boyars show themselves, as in previous decades, as community leaders, speaking in the forefront of the community against the ruined prince in front of her. As leaders of the community, the boyars are responsible to her for those or other actions taken by the community on their initiative, which subsequently turned into severe negative consequences, such as the adoption of a candidate who failed to please the community. The responsibility of the boyars in such cases is personal, as mentioned by the sources referred to the names of disgraced boyars. Those boyars are accused and punished on behalf of the entire community, and not of any particular group or party. Individual boyars, becoming “friends” of the unwilling community of the prince and going against the majority, separating from their community and completely losing their power and influence in it; no material purchases are capable of filling this loss. The boyars, in the event of an aggravation of the political situation, act as guarantors of the community’s loyalty to the prince, become hostages, and personally responsible for the execution by the community of an agreement with the prince. 

 We strongly disagree with the widespread perceptions of the historians about the ongoing struggle between boyar parties of different political orientations, which tear the community into hostile camps. On the contrary, in all of these episodes we are witnessing the political unity of the community, each member of which consistently obeys an age sentence, even if at first it held the opposite opinion. A characteristic feature of the chronicle of the events of 1187 – 1189 is the use to indicate their participants in the general expression “Galician men”. This chronicler, as it were, emphasizes the political consolidation of the community, without allowing the possibility of opposing the nobility and simple “husbands”. 

 In this unity, the source of the power of the Galician community, which has achieved important results in its political development, because in the late 180’s of Galicia, following the Kiev, Novgorod, etc., approved the right to “dispose of themselves” at the Galician princely table. Citizens, in violation of their former obligations, refuse to support the son of a Nastas Oleg who is hateful to all, expel him, and then kill him. Equally freely and demanding they behave in relation to other rulers who occupied Galician table – Volodymyr Yaroslavich and Queen Andrew. Even military intervention from outside can not break the will of the Galicians, have already felt like a political force that has realized their sovereign rights and the need to protect and defend them. The struggle for these rights, which began with the events of 1145, in our opinion, is the main essence of Galician “revolts” and “sedition” of the second half of the XII century. 5 

 Features of the political development of Volhynia in the second half of the XII century. 

 City communities VOLYNY In the struggle for gaining external and internal sovereignty. – Military and political successes of the Vladimir community. – Consolidation of Volyn under the authority of Volodymyr and restoration of offensive policy in relation to Galicia. – Chronicle Podlubka and “History” VM Tatishcheva on the struggle for Brest in 1182 – Urban community Verest but the data of Polish and Russian sources. 

 We reviewed the main events of Galician history in the middle of the second half of the 12th century. Brightly illustrate the tendency of political growth and community consolidation, the gradual establishment of partisan sovereignty in the field of intra-community relations. Unfortunately, the events of the Volhynian history of this period came to us in the form of extremely loose and fugitive news, which do not contain direct indications on issues of interest to us and in general almost do not relate to the state of intra-community relations. In particular, there is nothing known about the activity of the Chamber in Volhynia, about which, or manifestations of the independence of citizens in the domestic affairs1077. This position of MS Hrushevsky relates exclusively to the account of the chronicler’s subjectivity, which was supposed to be “silent about something, because the earth was undergoing too important changes in its political life to remain only their passive witness.” 1078. 

 In the first half of the CP in. Volyn, unlike Galicia, failed to defend political independence, for decades it fell under the authority of the Kiev rulers. As a result, as already mentioned above, the normal internal political development of the community was extremely difficult, for the time being lost important conquests of the community. In support of what we have said, we present the following obvious fact, Volodymyrsky Veche, in a full voice declared himself already at the end of XI

 in 1079, when townspeople forced the prince to obey the will of the community, 1080, in the XII

 in. practically descends from the pages of the chronicles, without giving visible signs of existence. Under such conditions, the researcher, who reproduces the picture of the domestic political life of the community, can not do without resorting to indirect data, not to avoid assumptions and hypothetical constructions based on the general understanding of the processes of development of urban communities in Ancient. 

 The political activity of the Volodymyr community, which manifests itself in the quest for defending its own interests, gradually comes to life as the Volyn dependence from Kyiv begins to weaken and then completely ceases. According to the researchers, the complete autonomy of the Volyn land acquires in the middle of the XII century., In the 1150’s 1051. Until that time, Kievan princes managed to keep the princely table in Vladimir under control. Every change on the Kyiv table was accompanied by an appropriate change on the table of Vladimir – the Kiev prince, beginning with Vladimir Monomakh, gave it to his sons or other younger relatives, completely out of it, 1082. 

 In 1150, 1083, this tradition was finally interrupted. Captured Kyiv Yuri Dolgoruky, like his predecessors, also tried to subdue Volyn, where the defeated Izyaslav Mstis-Slavich retreated. “Vizhenu Izyaslav, and his parish of all time” – with these words, Yuri, together with his brother Vyacheslav, and “with all his children,” went to Lutsk, where then the brother of Izyaslav Vladimir * reigned. The intentions of Yuri prevented the heroic resistance of the Lucians, withstood the six-week siege of the enemy’s prevailing forces, during which the life of one of the sons of Prince Andrew, the future Bogolyubskin, was barely lost. 1084 In 1155 again, the prince of Kiev, Yuri, made a new attempt to subdue Volyn. In Lutsk, where Mstislav Izyaslavich was governor in 1085, the Kyivan prince sent his “undergraduate” Yuri Yaroslavich1086. But even this time Yuri’s plans are broken up against the steady resistance of Lucians1087. 

 A year and a half ago, in December 11561088, Yuri makes a third attempt to return Volyn to the power of Kiev. At the head of a large army, which was attended by his longtime ally, the Galician prince Jaroslav Osmomysh “of Galicians, Dolgoruky besieged Volodymyr with the aim of stationing his nephew, Vladimir Andreevich, in 1089. The Chronicler reports on the persistent resistance that Volodymyrs revealed: “Gurgi is standing ov Volodymyr 10 days … and many blood will break through their borders, friendship, ouyazvlavyi, oumiraz” 1090. Then Volodymyr Andreevich tried to capture Vladimir’s “suburbs” Cherven. Having come under the walls of the city, the prince “began to say:” I have not come to you “to you, you will eat animals, my father and my fathers, and you will be your prince-zhich, and you will open!” 1091. answer someone from the city wall, “pulled” with an arrow, 

 And Y. Froyanov and A. Yu. Dvornichenko see here the unwillingness of the living place of the “suburbs” to “run counter to the policies of the main city” 1 *. An important confirmation of this is the news contained in the tat-shchyu syllable and complements the message to the Epiphany Chronicle: to the claims of Vladimir Andriyovych Chervonets “responded with honor:” When Vladimir manages, then we will obey you. “19. Strong repression of the Vladimir and Chervonets forced Yuriy and his allies completely abandon their plans for Volhynia and have nothing to do with their homes. 

 It is impossible not to see the facts given by the independent political position of the Volyn Oblast city communities – Volodymyrska and Lutsk, above all, by their steady will to end their dependence on the Kiev center, detrimental to the interests and goals of sovereign development. The fact that the collision of the 50-ies in Volhynia does not only inter-Knyazhsky conflict, due to the struggle for the “fatherland” the rights of several contenders, clearly indicate the indication of sources for the participation in the fighting of the Vladimir and Lutsk “warriors”, Zemsky troops, the strength and tenacity of which decide the outcome of the case 

 and another manifestation of the growing political power of local communities, indicating a certain level of maturity of intra-communal relations, are new attempts (after a break caused by the rule of the Kiev rulers) to achieve the right to decide the fate of the princely table “at will”. This tendency is also seen in the events of the 1950s. Volodymyrtsi, Lucians and Chervontsy strongly reject claims to the princely table of Yuriy Yaroslavich and Volodymyr Andreevich, despite the fact that they were both lawful “recruits” of the Vladimir table20. The community did not trust these princes, supported by the Kievan prince, giving preference to those who in her eyes deserved more trust. 

 Even more clearly, the growing independence of the community in a relationship with the prince demonstrates the case of Vladimir Mstislav-knife that reigned some time in Volodymyr-Volynsky after the death of his brother Izyaslav (1155 -1156 years) .. Volodymyr Mstislavich 

 “Froyanov, I. Ya., D in orenichno A. Yu Goro da-state., P. 127. 

 Tatishchev VN History Russian. 4.2. Chapters 19-39 / / Tatishchev VN Collected Works: In the 8th volume of M., 1995. T. II-III. P. 56. 20

 These facts.! It is impossible to explain otherwise, as the growing political independence of the community; there probably was not without a special decision the veche community of the “main city” supported by the “suburbs”, as evidenced by the agreed character and tenacity of the actions of residents of the Volyn cities, which repulsed all the claims of the disobedient communities of the prince-applicants. 


 discovered his weakness when unsuccessfully tried to subordinate Lutsk, broke off from Vladimir 1093. Perhaps this failure has undermined the authority of the prince among the Vladimir. Consequences did not hesitate. In 1156, the nephew of Vladimir, Mstislav Izyaslavich, who was sitting with his brother Yaroslav in Lutsk, “echoed with” on his striya to Volodymyr [k] Volodymyr, and I took his wife and his mother, and, taking me to the carts, I was lucky. , [to] Luchsku ambassador, and Stryi his Volodimere outeche [to] Per-Mishl. And the wife of his isograba and the goods’ all loud, and I brought the beer from ‘Ougor’ [widow] Mtstislavlya (mother of Vladimir Mstislavovich – A.

 A /.) 1094. 

 All this suggests Volodymyr’s fragile position at the Volodymyr’s table, the lack of support from the power of the secular community, which forced the prince to flee shamelessly first to the neighboring volost, and then to Hungary. “According to the information given by B.

 N. Tatischev, Mstislav removed from Volodymyr to Lutsk “also several noble nobles” 1095. The abduction of his wife and family escaped the prince, as well as the expulsion from the city supported by his boyars – these are true testimonies of community dissatisfaction with their former ruler who took the form of organized speech , apparently sanctioned by vecham1096. It is no accident that Vladimir Volodymyr Mstislavich’s attempt to return to himself the Vladimir table, when he, receiving the help of the Hungarians, joined the troops of Yuri Dolgoruky and Yaroslav Galitsky, besieged in December 1156, was met with the hard resistance of the citizens, firmly stood for his new Prince Mstislav and with him who made a daring night out of the city, during which the ally of Yuri Yaroslav Galitsky lost about half of his people1097, *


 The military successes of the Volodymyr and Lutsk communities, which were achieved in reflecting the neighbors’ aggression, suggest strengthening the military organization of the Volyn land. This was greatly facilitated by the active foreign policy of Izyaslav Mstislavovich at the beginning of the 1150s, when the invasion of an army constantly participated in military campaigns far beyond its borders, supporting the prince in his struggle for Kiyev1098. The successors of Izyaslav continued this policy without success. The successes in this kind of affairs have always been accompanied by significant political and material benefits for the community. In the course of the military clashes with Kiev, Volodymyr’s sovereignty crossed the territory of Pogorinha1100, through which Kievan and Volhynia were hostile from the second half of the 11th century. 

 In 1152 and 1154 he reigned in Vladimir Svyatopolk Mstislavich “with his regiment” participated in campaigns on Halych as part of a broad coalition headed by his brother Kiev prince Izyaslav-vom1101. The purpose of the campaigns is not in doubt, as evidenced by the words of Izyaslav, said at the address of Galician prince Volodymyr: “… the very same, and the parish of his life” 1102. Other times, the territorial gains promise Vladimir prince Svyatoslav Mstislavovich disgraced son Yaroslav Osmomysl Vladimir; in exchange for help in the struggle with his father, he promises to give Bug and three more cities. ‘1103. Capture Galich in 1152 the Hungarian king, who was bribed by the Galician prince 5, was interrupted by the allied princes. However, the Allies did not remain losing. After the defeat of the Galicians in the battle of Przemysl “Izyaslav” Izyaslav, Sviatopolk and others. 

 The enrichment of the “warriors” that the enemy overcomes in far-off campaigns led to other measures of the Volyn princes who, from the mid-1150s, constantly took part in inter-war and inter-Prince collisions in Russia, and also led their regiments against the steppe 56. During one of the campaigns on the Polovtsians, in which among the other “warriors” of the “Russian land” also participated and the Volyns, led by the princes Yaroslav and Yaropolk Izyaslavich, “quite a lot of captivity, as well as all the ‘Russian wounds’, filled up to the isobyls of n carolers, and the chagas, and their children, and the servants, and the cattle, and the congregation. “7 Other times the Vladimir and Galitsky regiments “have a lot of souls from the dead, and Polovtsy have taken the bayhat” ‘*. 

 The capture and resettlement into its land of “captivity” is a measure that undoubtedly contributed to the further strengthening of the community, and the princes of Southwestern Russia began to realize the charity of such a policy. Recall that in the late XI century. Terebovlsky Prince Vasil’ko Rostislavich planned to “beaten the Bulgarians of the Danube and put them in my head” “9. And Yaroslav Osmomysh contemporaries were highly respected for the fact that the land with him” multiplied in people, scientists and chemical scientists and craftsmen from all countries came to him and hailstones inhabited, by which the land of Galitskaya was enriched in everything “1105. 

 It seems that the Volodymyr princes of the second half of the CP in. have achieved considerable successes in this field. In 1171 the chronicle reports that in the course of the war with the Prince of Dorogobuzh, Volodymyr Andreyevich, the Volodymyr-Volyn prince, Mstislav Izyaslavich, took several pogorinsky cities, “suburbs” of Dorogobuzh, “will take the city of Shymesk,” and Ambassador Volodymyr, posadik Paawak, slave Volodymyr, Tamo same ambassador “1106. The researchers translate these words of the source as follows: “And he brought out [Mstislav Izyaslavich – A.M.] [residents] of the city of Shumskaya, and sent them [to the city] to Vladimir, [and] the poster of Spik, the breadwinner Vladimir [Andreyevich], he I sent it there “1107. 

 Strengthening of the Military Forces of the earth, the growth of mobility of the military organization, which included in the ancient period, as is well-known, all free combatant communities1108, – the most important prerequisites and signs of political strengthening of the community. In an inseparable connection with this tendency, as we have seen from the example of the history of Galician land, it is worth raising the political role of the Chamber, which becomes the supreme authority of the earth and which asserts its priority over the princely government. After all, the elders are the same “warriors”, as a soldier in Ancient Russia was a full citizen and could exercise his civil rights by participating in the assembly assemblies1109. Not surprisingly, because the assembly could take place directly during military campaigns, when participants of the campaign became directly participants of the campaign1110. 

 Something similar, as far as we can judge, happened in Volyn’s army. Vladimir prince Mstislav Izyaslavich, once again seized Kiev, is taken to besiege Vyshgorod, where his main enemy David Rostislavich sat down 1111. The siege ended in a complete failure, and Mstislav had to leave the Kiev table. The blame for everything – the reluctance of the “warriors”, “manuals” Mstislav, among whom were the Volyns, to continue this difficult and dangerous campaign. The first princes left the “Galician”, and when the enemies “Yasha … a thousand Vsevolodkov-cha”, “from Mstislav, as well as Roshlillysya, all help, izneemogshe-Xia” 1112. 

 An evidence of the completion of the evolution of internal public relations in Volyn in the direction of establishing the sovereignty of the veche community in domestic political affairs is the news of the Galician-Volyn chronicle, dated 1288 year. He told the death of Volodymyr Prince Vladimir Vasilkovich, the chronicler notes popular sorrow and cry for the deceased, who enjoyed great popularity. Notable is the fact that among the masses of the townspeople are especially distinguished “brave men” Volodymyrsky: “Most likely, the same plagiarized by the Germans Lepasha Moueshi Volodimerystyi, reciting:” Good we, Lord, with you ohmreti, stroversmouch Tolik freedom, as well as your grandfather “Roman”. [He] Freedil ‘bayasheet from all’, you have offended, you are the same, my lord, with this hound and inherit his grandfather’s sucking. Now, my lord, maybe we can not see you to Tomo, for perhaps our sun will come down, 

 Describing “internal life of Vladimir” on the basis of comparison of the given news with data from other sources, MS Hrushevsky concludes that the rather high level of socio-political organization of the Vladimir community: “… then, in the 1280’s., U Volodymyr’s city community was organized like a German city community “1113. This conclusion was supported and developed by MN Tikhomirov. In the words of the Galician-Volynian chronicler, he sees “an allusion to the existence of special city awards, first of all” better “to the men of Vladimir – the wealthy townspeople, the crown of the merchant and artisan population” 1114. The scientist rightly states: “In the same words, the chronicles of the privileges of the Great Novgorod: “Novgorod laid down all princes in freedom: if they are free, that same prince will catch the same” “, and “the reference of the Vladimir citizens to Prince Roman Mstislavich leads us, at least, to the end of the XII – the beginning of the KhPI in. The beginnings of the privileges of Vladimir citizens apply to this time »1115. 

 The objections of MN Tikhomirov’s desire to link “city pleasures” with the head of the Volodymyr community are contradictory. For such a restriction, in our opinion, there are no grounds. “Lepash men” in the mourning scene of Vladimir Vasilkovich say their words, undoubtedly, on behalf of the whole community, because the right of “freedom to the princes”, which is referred to here, is used not only by “brave men”, it is the privilege of the veche – a popular gathering of citizens . The very term “brave men” refers in the first instance to the boyars1116, community leaders. In this capacity, they express the will and mood of their community, and their voice is the voice of the community itself3 ‘. Therefore, it is not surprising that Volodymyr’s mourning scene, although “the whole city … and the boyars, old and young” 1117 participate, but they speak only to the boyars. *


 Independence and successful advancement along the path of self-development contributed to increasing the political prestige of Volodymyr. So, already in 1160 under Volodymyr-Volynsky the construction of the new Cathedral of the Assumption of the Theotokos was completed, a short mention in the Nikonovsky chronicle was preserved: “In the same summer, Prince Mstislav ‘Izyaslavich signed the holy church to Volodymyr Volinsky, and decorate the strange saints and a dragon with icons, and books, and things of many chudes, and sacred vessels of zlot and silver with beads, and with a stone “dragim” ” ‘. Actually speaking, in the above story it is about completion of the painting and equipment of the temple, which was probably built a little earlier 5 ‘*. “Given that the construction of the temple was only 3-4 years, – says P. A. Rappoport, – its beginning can be attributed to about 1156, 

 The significance of this event is a kind of ideological consolidation of the sovereign status of the community, as well as its claims to a leading role in the southwestern region of Russia. The fact that the temple complexes in the ancient society were not only religioznoktovymi centers, but also represented the most important prestigious buildings that played the role of symbols formed cities51 ‘. The temples, set up in the main cities of Ancient Russia and revered by the inhabitants of the whole parish, symbolized the sovereignty of the local community39. Hence – the sinful from the point of view of Christianity, the practice of destruction and desecration of the sanctuary of enemies, so often noted during inter-war conflicts and wars, is practiced by deeply archaic aspirations through the destruction of the temples to deprive the enemy of God’s sanctity611. 

 On this patronage, the Volodymyrs were counting on dedicating the temple of the Blessed Virgin, built in the city, for whose help and protection he had a faith in Russia. For example, the Kyivan chronicler expresses the confidence that the victory in the war with the Polovtsians was received, thanks to the help of the “cross of honor and [the church] of the holy Mother of God of God, the great Desyatinnei, and the Beyahut of her parish of oblivion (Polovtsi people and good. – AM). Even God will not give you the image of a man easy, then turn his lips down, may he “give in to the image” of his Mother of the house? “61 Thus, in Russia in the 12th century. believed that God is especially protecting and protecting from the enemies of the parish where there is a temple in honor of the Mother of God, and the inhabitants of such parish are no longer “simple” people, as God’s help is always with them. 

 It should be noted another important circumstance. The Assumption Cathedral in Volodymyr-Volynsky was built in the spirit of the architectural traditions of Kiev and looked like the main temples of the “mother of the Russian cities” – Uspensky and Sofiysky6. But at the same time, the cathedral in Vladimir, of its considerable size, not only reached, but also exceeded the Kiev: in width it equaled St. Sophia Cathedral, and even exceeded its length64. The latter testifies to the intentions of the Vladimir people not only to consolidate and, so to speak, to sanctify their sovereign status, but also expresses the desire, in a certain sense, to stand up to Kiev, to take from Kiev the role of the chief 

 class city states / / Frederick Engels and the problems of the history of ancient societies. Kiev, 1984. p. 183. 

 ‘? Froyanov I. Ya Kievan Rus. Essays on socio-political history. P. 242. 

 о0 Ibid. 

 6 ‘PSPL. T. II. Str. 559 

 d2 About the special attitude towards the Virgin and the protection granted to her, formed in medieval Russia, see: Plush new M. B. Plots and symbols of the Moscow kingdom. St. Petersburg, 1995. Goal. 1. 5

 See: Voronin II. M., Kaprep M.K. Architecture // The Work of the Culture of Ancient Rus. Pre-Mongol period / sub. edit N. N. Voronin, M. K. Karge. M .: L., 1951. T. II. P. 276. 

 01Th and m in the city of MN Old Russian cities. S. 17-3 18. 

 the center of the entire Southwest Russia. 

 The military and political successes of the Volodymyr community contributed to the consolidation of the Volyn municipal communities in front of the outside world: despite the presence of two special princely tables in Volodymyr and Lutsk, the unity of the Volyn’s military forces within the framework of a common military organization headed by one prince remained. Thus, under the year 1174, we read in the chronicle: “That’s why I will come Yaroslav” Luchskii to Rostislavich with the whole of Velyansky land, looking for the old-fashioned Vu Olgovicheh “65, Come” with all the land “- it means to come with the people’s militia all over Volyn66 The presence of the All-Russian military organization, according to the correct remark I. Ya. Froyanov and A. Yu. Dvornichenko, is a “sign of the well-known state of the social mechanism of the Volyn land … Volyn land acts here as a self-sufficient whole that opposes the Kyiv parish” 157. 

 The trend of political consolidation in Volyn was established during the reign of Vladimir Roman Mstislavich (1170 – 1199 gg.), Which was generally appreciated by researchers. According to I.P. Krypiakevich: “In his political plans, Roman relied mainly on the forces of the Vladimir principality. His brothers and nephews, although having their own units, did not pursue a particular policy and obeyed Roman in everything “6 *. 

 ; The natural consequence of the revival of the military-political potential of Volyn land was the restoration of an active offensive policy concerning Galich, which was carried out at the end of the XI – beginning of ХТ1 в. and then ended the defeat of Vladimir. Already in the mid-1150s, Volodymyr’s princes, in a coalition with the Allies, carried out hostile campaigns against their southern neighbor, their aim was to “take” Galitsky parish69. One and a half decades ago, at the beginning of 1

 ] 70s, we are witnessing how Volodymyr and then the Lutsk princes first support the disgraced son of the Galician prince Yaroslav Osmomysl Volodymyr who got up on the path 

 PSPL. T. P. Stb. 576-577. W F r o i and o in I. Ya .. D. V o rnich and A. .. 10. Gori da-state … L., 1988. P. 126. 67

 There ate 

 No. K r. Ed. I n. I. I. P. P. Galitsko-Volyn principality. P. 83, – See also; G. Rushevsky and M. S. History of Ukrinian – Rus. Kiev. 1993. T. 11 (pp. 2-4: Pash u – then W. Essays on the history of G: i or TKO-Will of a certain Russia., Moscow, 1950. p. 192: Kotlyar P.F. Formation of territory. 70. 71. 

 GIHRL T. II. Str. 447-45 g. 465-466. . ? ? 


 armed struggle with the father; At the same time Volyn princes have species if not for all Galicia, then, at least, for part of its territory1119. 

 In the future, any complication of the internal political situation in Galich becomes a reason for the intervention of an aggressive neighbor. In 1188, Volodymyrsky Prince Roman Mstislavich, having learned about the turmoil of the Galicians with their new Prince Vladimir Yaroslavich, with the help of intrigue, mastered the Galician table, achieving “friendly” “Galician men” 1120. However, the first reign of Roman in Galich was short-lived. The blame for all was the reckless behavior of the Roman himself: when he went to Galich, he renounced Vladimir’s table (the “Cross of a Celtic” to Vsevolod’s brother: “We are not afraid of both Volodya-Meri” 1121). This prince deprived himself of the support of the Volodymyr oblast1212, and the “affection” of him to the Galician was too deceptive. As a result, Roman not only lost the Galician table, 

 The Galician princes and the Galician community did not remain indebted, resolutely responding to the aggressive attacks of their northern neighbors. The struggle has stretched for several decades, as none of the parties until the end of the XII century. could not get a decisive advantage. From the Galician side, political and military facilities were launched. The Galician princes entered into alliances with the strongest rulers of Russia – Kyiv and Volodymyr-Suzdal princes, humiliated by asking for their support and slander1124, which was completely uncharacteristic for the previous time (the first half of the CP in.), When Volyn was politically weak and independent. A rigid confrontation with Volyn was manifested either in the threat of the Galician prince to start a war with the use of mercenaries and to “burn” the parish of the protivnik1125, whether it is a real participation of the Galician in military campaigns on Volyn in alliance with the Kiev princes1126. The last case of this kind took place in 1196, when the Kyivan prince Rurik Rostislavich attracted Volodymyr Halytsky along the way to Volyn; The Allies burned the outskirts of Peremil and Kamyanets, “and the tactics, which were leaning against the peasant and livestock,” and returned from their place, returned to their bands. “As we see, the purpose of this campaign (including for the Galician people) was to retaliate for the old” images “. 

 Yet the rivalry of the southwestern volosts ended with the victory of the Vladimir. Much merit in this belongs, as rightly noted by historians, Vladimir Prince Roman himself, possessing extraordinary personal qualities – energy, decisively- 


 Stju, purposefulness, talent of the commander and the organizer, the Prince fully learned the lessons from his failure of the late 80’s, and when, after ten years again appeared a favorable case to master the Galician table, Roman did not repeat the previous mistakes and did everything possible to implement the conceived. *


 Significant interest in the reconstruction of intra-community relations is the story of Vincentzia Kudlubka about the campaign of the Malopolsky Prince Kazimierz Just in West-Volynsky city of Be-Resta. The history of this campaign remains largely unclear. The news about him survived only in Polish sources, which allow for many inaccuracies and very superficially relate to everything that is not directly related to the interests of the Polish prince. The Russians, however, did not keep any record of this event. So it is difficult to say with complete certainty either about the time of the campaign, or about which of the Russian princes agreed to help 

 7! <Ibid. Str. 698 

 “See Dashkevich N.P. The reign of Danylo Halytsky in Russian and foreign news.” Kyiv, 1873. P. 11; Andriyashev AM An essay on the history of Volyn land to the end of the 14th century, Kyiv, 1887. p. 147; Zhdanov I. N. Songs about Prince Roman // Zhdanov I. N. .. Russia’s Battle Epic. Research and Materials, 1-V., St. Petersburg, 1895. Gryzhaevskaya and I. M. 1) History of Ukraine – Russia, T. III., Pp. 2-4, 2) The History of Ukrainian Literature, Kyiv, 1993. T. III., 198, E f iye e u k o A. I., The History of the Ukrainian People, Kyiv, 1990. C 76, 80 Doroshenko DI Essay on the History of Ukraine, Lviv, 1991. pp. 87-88; Lviv, 1990. S. 74-75; Likhachev D. S. Historical and political representations of the author “The words about the regiment of Igor” / / Likhachev D. S. “The word about the regiment of Igor” and the culture of his time. L., 1978 P. 140-141; P and B. A. Koi B. A. “The word about Igor’s regiment” and his contemporaries. M. 1971. P. 95-96; Kotlyar N.F. 1} Roman Mstislavovich // Encyclopedia “The Words on Igor’s Regiment” / Rev. edit O. V. Tverogov. St. Petersburg, 1995 T. 4: 2) Galicia-Volyn Rus. Kyiv, 1998. P. 104. – These qualities have gained Roman popularity among contemporaries and descendants. 

 Casimir * And 

 The Chadlubka reports that as soon as the hostility of Casimir and Wielkopolska Prince Meshko of the Old One ceased temporarily, the first was immediately engaged in foreign affairs: “Intruding on Russia, [Casimir] attacks first of all on the city of Brest, reliably fortified as soldiers, and by workshops and by the place itself and keeps it under siege from all sides. “* (| The chronist then explains the reason for the campaign: Casimir decided to return Berestya” the original son of his sister, mistakenly rejected by his brothers, because the mother for reasons of whim she hinted that she was not my son, but was lied when there was no hope for her offspring. “81 It turns out that this unexpected discovery, first of all, outraged the townspeople, and their general indignation was the cause of deprivation the power of the prince: “Therefore, citizens, considering unworthy, 

 Russian prince, who lost the table in Brest, says Kad-LUBEK, was someone from the Casimir nephews. The chronicler in the “Monuments of Polish History” A. Bellevsky believed that this means the eldest son of the sister of Kazimierz Judith and the Hungarian queen Boris Kalman **. But this version does not coincide with the data of the Byzantine sources that Boris was married to the cousin of Emperor John II Comnenus * 4 According to MS Hrushevsky, Kad-LUBEK took for his nephew Casimir the infamous Oleg “Nastasiocha”, an illegitimate son of the Galician prince Yaroslav It became apparent that these events should be attributed to time to 1 and 88 years, when, after the death of Yaroslav, a struggle began between his sons * 5. Such a hypothesis is based more on the data of the Wielkopolska Chronicle, which, supplemented by some new details, supplements the story of Gadlub, cheating confusion 

 O. Balcer’s explanation looks more preferable. The scientist, on the basis of an analysis of a wide range of different sources – Hungarian, Polish and Russian – comes to the conclusion that the campaign of Kazimir to Brest should be attributed to 11 82 m, and not named after the nephew of the prince of Malopol was the son of another of his sister, Agneshki, issued in 1151 for Volyn prince Mstislav Izyaslavich, – is mentioned in the n chronicles Svyatoslav Mstislavovich * 1128. This decision is followed by modern researchers **. Thus, the testimonies of the Polish chronicles refer to the period in the history of Volhynia, which is, to a lesser extent, provided by Russian sources, to the 70s and 80s of the 12th century. Kiev chronicler in these years practically does not use volyn’s news, focusing on events in other lands of Russia – mostly Volodymyr-Suzdal, 

 It is necessary, however, to admit that the majority of researchers adopted the identification of the above-mentioned Claw of the nephew of Kazimierz with the Russian prince Svyatoslav Mstislavich is far from flawless. The Chronicle argues that the Polish prince began to help “the original son of his sister, mistakenly rejected by his brothers) and the townspeople who considered” unworthy “to illegally” rule over other princes. ” “Head” over his brothers could only senior, “original”, says Vincent. However, Svyatoslav could not be the eldest son of Mstislav Izyaslavich, as it is known, was the Roman, who ruled in the “oldest” city of Volhynia Vladimira. 

 As far as Svyatoslav is concerned, he, on the contrary, was younger among the well-known chronicles of the sons of Mstislav, and therefore, after the death of his father, he reached the secondary table in June1129. This is probably the most prominent, but not the only “problem” in the story of Gadluba. AV Gorovenko, recently re-analyzed it in comparison with the data of other Russian and Polish sources, with full reason, could denounce a retired Bishop of Cracow in the fact that he “does not know the hierarchy of the princely tables of Western Volhynia and notifies information that does not fit into chronology, revived by the Russian annals and Polish Christmas trees. He not only can not name the names of all the sons of his native sister, but even not sure how much they were at all … “1130. 

 At the disposal of the researchers there is another evidence of Be-Restech events 1182, which is given in the History of Russia by V. M. Tatishcheva. This is a much more detailed and detailed message, moreover, it operates with more accurate and clear data. It also refers to the interference of the Poles in the conflict of the Russian princes at the table in Brest, but the actors of this conflict are completely different princes, not related at all to the dynasty of Volyn Mstislavovich, 

 According to VN Tatishchev, Drogichinsky Prince Vasylko Yaropolka Chich “quarreled” with the Prince of Minsk Volodymyr Volodarevich, who also held the brasesiiska table. Calling “the Poles and Mazovshan to help”, Vasil’ko split Vladimir in the battle on the river Buga and mastered Berest, but he did not dare to reign in the city, leaving here “the brother of his wife, the prince of Mazovia, with the Poles” 0 ‘. Meanwhile, Volodymyr Volodarevich, assembled a new army and received help from the Polotsk princes, returned to Brest, and “in the brutal attacks at the end of the nine days Brest took and beat Poles many, sufficient for the occupation and in exchange for their release” 1131. Continuing the offensive, Vladimir caused a scarecrow of Vasilko a new defeat on the river Nuri under Drogichina, after which “Vasily with Vasylko with small people went to his father-in-law Leshko”. The latter “immediately, having esche assembled the army, went to Volodymyrka and forced him, leaving Pidlyashchy, Vasilkov’s area, to visit Brest for the river Bug “93. However, to take advantage of the fruits of such a victory, the Droghi-Chin prince could not. “Vasilko,” continues V. N. Tatishchev, “having nothing to pay the Poles, who were demanded from him, all the things for him, all of Volodymyrko in Drogichin and Nuri robbed and destroyed the towns, yielded all his possessions to him …” Ch ‘\ How reliable are Tatishchev information and how to correlate it with information, reports Polish chronicles? This question was taken by many researchers, but has not yet received a satisfactory solution. N. Karamzin refused to accept the Tatishchev’s story, considering it mixed with “an obvious lie.” 1132. Some recent authors adhere to a similar view: Tatischev’s information, according to A. B. Golovko, “Is not consistent with the information of the modern events of monuments and in this regard can not be used as a source of the issue under consideration (it is Russian-Polish relations of the end of the XII century – A. A. /.)” 9! f Against such extreme judgment, AV Gorovenko, devoted to the analysis of Tati-schievsky news special research, expresses itself. “The historian notes that the information of” the last Russian chronicler “is by their reliability not inferior to the confused and tendentious message of” contemporary of events “Vincentzi Kadlubka, but since their source can not be established, the entire Tatishchev story about the struggle for Brest “must still be attributed to the apocrypha” 1133. ‘ This can not be used as a source for the issue under discussion (Russian-Polish relations at the end of the XII century – A. A. /.) “9! f Against such extreme judgment, AV Gorovenko, devoted to the analysis of Tati-schievsky news special research, expresses itself. “The historian notes that the information of” the last Russian chronicler “is by their reliability not inferior to the confused and tendentious message of” contemporary of events “Vincentzi Kadlubka, but since their source can not be established, the entire Tatishchev story about the struggle for Brest “must still be attributed to the apocrypha” 1133. ‘ This can not be used as a source for the issue under discussion (Russian-Polish relations at the end of the XII century – A. A. /.) “9! f Against such extreme judgment, AV Gorovenko, devoted to the analysis of Tati-schievsky news special research, expresses itself. “The historian notes that the information of” the last Russian chronicler “is by their reliability not inferior to the confused and tendentious message of” contemporary of events “Vincentzi Kadlubka, but since their source can not be established, the entire Tatishchev story about the struggle for Brest “must still be attributed to the apocrypha” 1133. ‘ 

 Equally ambiguous was the attitude towards the information of the Polish chronicles. In Polish historiography, the message of Kadlubka and his followers about the important victories of the Casimir the Just over the Russian princes, some of whom even recognized the vassal dependence on him, received a complete acknowledgment1134. Independence of such a conclusion at one time proved MS Hrushevsky, on the contrary, was very skeptical about patriotic reliefs of Gadluba1135. Attempts were made in one way or another to “reconcile” existing versions of the Berestjev events, in particular, it was supposed that an episode described by V. N. Tatischev could have to take place before the Casimir’s campaign ” 1136. 

 Apparently, one should admit that at the turn of the 70’s and 80’s of the XII century. Several Russian princes, including the Minsk and Drogichinsky, claimed on the Bereses table at that time some 10, 1. Together with the sons of Mstislav Izyaslavich, they also had views on Brest, they were constantly appealing for help to their Polish relatives – the young Masovian prince Leska Bolles-Vecchu and his uncle-guardian Casimir Fair, using the Polish troops in clarifying mutual claims1115. The winner in this intense, lasting, apparently, year-round struggle was the prince in Volodymyr-Volynsky, Roman Mstislavovich: “Roman Mstislav-Vich Vladimir,” VN Tatishchev reports, “he announced that Vasilii Podlyashchy had yielded to Testa, went on with the army, Vasilko and with the tests from Pidliashshya expelled and he owned all “1137,


 The story of Gadlubka, despite its tendentiousness and superficial attitude towards the main participants in the events on the Russian side, is valuable, due to a number of important details that give some idea of ​​participation in these events of the Berestese residents, the city community, is by no means just an outsider observer, indifferent look at the clashes of the princes and obediently accept any of their result. 

 Attention is drawn to the fact that, according to Vincenttia, the Berestsky prince is deprived of the table as a result of the speeches of the townspeople, “strongly rebelled” against the illegitimate ruler. Berestye in this case not only themselves decide the fate of the princely table, but also interfere in inter-princely relations, considering it unacceptable that “baystryuk [son] reigned over other princes.” This is precisely the mass movement that has embraced the entire city community. The source does not give any reason to evaluate it as a “revolt of the Berestay boyars”, thus reducing the scale and significance of what is happening. The role of the boyars, called “chiefs of the troops”, in the episode under consideration is stipulated in particular: they, as is often the case in similar situations, are the initiators of the antiknya-rigorous community performances – such, in our opinion, the content of the message of the “chiefs of the troops” 

 In the history of Southwest Russia, we have already seen examples of boyars’ organized interference in the family affairs of princes, the actions against those of them whose origin caused doubt, seemed unworthy. In detail, the chronicle describes the performance of the Galician against his Prince Yaroslav Osmomysl: the townspeople force forced the famous prince to live with a legitimate wife (“the prince watered the cross, as he has the princess Vu the truth”) and reconciled with the legitimate son; and the hated prince of her lover Nastasko “Galichani, put on fire, sojgosh”, the repression collapsed and on her son Oleg (“and her son is sent to prison”) 1138. The fact that there is clearly visible organizing and leadership role of the boyars , in particular, the famous Galician governor Kosnyatyn Seroslavich, around which the other “many boyars” collide. 1139. However, the main participants in the events are Galicians themselves, 

 Again, the Galician faced the son of Nastasky, who was scornfully named by Oleg Nastasovich, when Jaroslav Osmo-meditations, before his death, commanded him a Galician table, and long persuaded the “Galician men” and “all Galician land” to agree with such a decision. “But as Only the old prince did not disappear, the Galician hurried to get rid of his illegitimate son and handed the table to his lawful son Vladimir. “In the death of Yaroslavl – read in the annals – a rebellious rebellion in the Galichkoi land. And I supposed the same mules Galicchi and Volodimer ‘perstopishete ı Cross kissing and y-gnash Olga from Halych “11” Used in the passage of the passage, the phrase “think out” is typical of the ancient chroniclers means of communicating information about solitary decisions1141, in favor of this speaks and the decision itself – the expulsion of the prince, – that was the exclusive prerogative of the Chamber. In front of us, thus, is another act of political will of the veche community that does not tolerate the princely table of persons of unworthy descent. 

 As we already know, his mighty uncle, the KRAKOW PRESIDENT OF KAZIMIR, was fairly motivated by his own mother, baptized by the prince’s prince. His troops made a march. However, residents of Berestya were not going to obey the foreign conquerors, giving them the most fierce resistance. No wonder Kadlubek calls Casimir’s campaign a “long war,” says that as a result of the actions of “many enemy hordes” the Poles fell into a difficult position, “mourning for the star of their glory as already extinguished” 11. Commenting on the wicked and frankly confused story of the Polish chronicles, the modern researcher writes: “The great army, headed by the governor Nikolai, faced a considerable resistance of his defenders during the siege (Berestya – LM), which initially caused fermentation, and then an open rebellion among the Polish soldiers “1 And only at the cost of enormous efforts the Poles managed to take the top and enter the city. About the struggle tension and the stubbornness of resistance can be judged by the victims, who “swallowed a blood-sword”; True, Vincent speaks only of loss from the Russian side: the Poles “break through” to 

 sang “through the mountains of corpses” 1142 

 To fight the aggressor residents of Berestya help neighbors. Volyn princes, Galician citizens, as well as Polovtsy and Yatvy-gn came to help them: “And for the city’s help, Prince Vsevolod Belzsky met with the princes of Vladimir, with Galician men, with selected hired troops, with thousands of wards.” It is remarkable that the Galician army is listed here as an independent military force (in contrast to the Belgique and Vladimir regiments) without the participation of the prince. In this regard, the news of Gadlubka fully correspond to our ideas about the military organization of the Galician land derived from the testimonies of the Russian chronicles. For many years, Galicians, “Galichskaya help” is constantly appearing in the chronicles as a self-governing combat unit, operating on an equal footing with the troops acting under the leadership of the princes, but in contrast to them, they completely do without the prince’s participation, led by their own (zemstvo) voenachalnikami1143. Thus, we get one more confirmation of the conclusion about the high mobility and independence of the military forces of Galicia, much more prevalent in this army of other n lands. 

 Having gained victory in a difficult battle, Casimir took possession of the city and returned the table to his nephew. However, with this they did not want to settle the inhabitants of Berestya, and therefore the fate imposed on them by the prince was solved in advance. In Chronicles Gadlubka we read: “… after a short time [him] (Kazimierz – A.M.) the protege dies, drinking sprinkle their poison “1144. If this message is really about Svyatoslav Mstislavich, then the news about his death about 1182 explains the unexpected disappearance of references to him in the Russian chronicles, who knew about the activity of Svyatoslav in the previous decade1145. 

 An arbitrary birch bark. The other ruler, Drogichinsky prince Vasylko Yaropolchych, who is imprisoned by force, is afraid of what VN Tatishchev tells about. Capturing the city with the help of Polish troops, this prince, despite the complete defeat of his rival, who lost “numerous” and went to another land, did not dare to stay on the table obtained in this way: “I’m afraid I’m afraid of being there, left in it (in Brest – AM) brother of his wife, Prince Mazowiecki, of the Poles, he returned to Dorogichin “1146 The murder of a birch bark of one unwelcome ruler and fears for the life of another speaks of the growing political force of the community that did not want to obey the pressure from the outside and ready means with to defend your sovereignty. 

 In the same way, the political development of other communities of South-Western Russia, in particular Galician, was carried out. Let us recall how the Galician people, dissatisfied with the reign of Volodymyr Yaroslavin, were about to kill him: “Yea, Galichi.,., Sovokupivsheh regiments and outi-veridhsya cross, and risen to his prince. And if we do not mix it, we will remove it, you will not be offended, you will lose all of your money in the Dumene, for which you will be pleased, Leo Volodimerev ” 12 – ‘. Then the case ended with the expulsion of the prince1147. However, in the future, the Galician community no longer fed its offenders and was acting much more strongly about them. In response to the repression carried out by the princes of Igorevich, when, according to the chronicles, immediately killed five hundred Galician boyars, the Galicians were deprived of the power of the rulers of the death penalty, having previously redeemed them from the Hungarian captivity: “Galician” is also praying to them, Yes, she was hanged and hanged for the sake of herself. Being convinced of being Ougre’s great gifts, beforehand no bite to hang the moon of September “1148. Examples of this attitude toward the princes can be seen in other lands of Rus1149. 

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 Information relevant “Ivan Berladnik: Diploma 1134” Berlad and Berladninki “
  1.  17. Novgorod ships certificate and Pskov ship certificate. 
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      When working on a topic, it is necessary to review the lectures and the textbook, since the first question is of a purely theoretical nature. It is also necessary in preparation for the second question. In addition, here it is necessary to analyze extracts from the “Ipatievsky” chronicle in order to illustrate the processes taking place in the n principalities. The following fragments of the “Hypatian” Chronicle are clearly illustrated
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      Ryazan land in the second half of the XIII-XIV centuries. retained relative independence, although it was in a difficult political and geographical position, being clamped between the Golden Horde, with which territory it was directly bordered, and North-Eastern Russia, and from the second half of the fourteenth century. – And they came from the West with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The capital of the principality in the second half of the XIII century.
  7.  Literature:
      Absolutism in Russia (XVII – XVIII centuries). M., 1964 Alshits DN The beginning of autocracy in: the state of Ivan the Terrible. L., 1988. Vernadsky G.V. Moscow kingdom. Ch. II. M., 1997. Gumilev L. M. From Russia to Russia. M., 1992. Демидова Н.Ф. Serving the bureaucracy in Russia in the seventeenth century. and its role in the formation of absolutism. M., 1987. Zimin A. A. Reforms of Ivan the Terrible. M., 1960. Zimin AA Oprichnina Ivan
  8.  § 2. The court and investigation of the Pskov ship by letter
      Pskov court chart was approved at the assembly in 1467. In Pskov, at that time, secular and church courts operated. The secular courts were: 1) the court of the prince, who considered all the crimes of property and against the person. The basic punishment, which Pskov court provided for a letter, is a fine (fines); for the arson and murder was allowed death penalty. But the judgment of the princes is not
  9.  43. Letter of Mercy to the nobility. 
      In 1785, Catherine II issued a letter of complaint to the nobility, which was a codification of legislation on the status of the nobility. According to the nobles enshrined the following rights: 1. Private: physical integrity (the nobles were subjected to corporal punishment and torture); right to heraldry (coat of arms); exemption from compulsory civil service (first approved by Peter III in the Manifesto
  10.  2. 6. 1134-1135 years. Statutory letter of the Prince of Novgorod ALL-MADE MSTISL AVNCHA CHURCH IVAN PREDETCHY on the bundle of Seas the
      prince of the great Gavril, the bride Vsevolod autocrat Mstislavich, grandson of Vladimir, the domination of all the n land and the whole region Novgorodka, God’s blessing having set up the esm of the churches 2, the holy veliky and Ivan in the Pyryatyn courtyard, and arranged the Echoes of the Icons, the revered became, and the eunalim of precious and all zhnigami molsln, ushroil esm priests and deacons in the team of the great church. And I give the saint
  11.  Value of monetary units in legal documents of Ancient Russia. 
      In the Short Truth: 1 hryvnia = 20 knights = 25 kn = 50 slices In the Great Truth: 1 hryvnia kun = 20 knights = 50 hun (cut) = 150 hrs In the Pskov Ship literacy: 1 ruble = 30 hryvnias Kun = 220
  12.  Chapter one
      1 Symbolically: if AGR (x), then exp (x). PR 119 and 34 and 120 and 15. – 373. 2 Symbolically: if | – Oh – | P (x), then the H-th AGR (x). Wed, 119 and 36 and 120 and 8. – 373. 3 “Appeal” here is used in the sense of transforming the statements of the form “A characteristic B” in the statement of the form “B (in general) A”. However, if A is inherent in B only in some respect, then it is a mistake that B is in general an A. C. sn. 4 to
  13.  18. Court and process in Novgorod and Pskov. 
      As in the Russian truth, the process in Novgorod (according to the Novgorod Ship’s Letter) and Pskov (according to the Pskov Ship Charter) was of a competitive character. Associate professor AV Ilyin calls this form of the prosecution process. These or other powers in the judicial sphere were held by all the higher Novgorod (Pskov) magistrates: the prince (the prince’s governor), the archbishop (the viceroy of the archbishop), the poster and the commandant[/private]